Glass JL-^? 



OPO 



( 

AN 



33- /)- 



EXAMINATION 

OF THE 

VARIOUS CHARGES 

EXHIBITED AGAINST 

AARON BURR, ESQ. 

VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ; 

AND 

A DEVELOPEMENT 

OF THE 

CHARACTERS AND VIEWS 

OF HIS 

POLITICAL OPPONENTS. 
A NEW EDITION, 

REVISED AND CORRECTED, WITH ADDITIONS* 



BT ARISTIDES. 



I am not of the number of those men who are perpetually troubling 
and disturbing you ; I hold not any office of trust or of administration in 
the state ; I, therefore, come forward with confidence, and denounce 
transactions like these." 



PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 
1804. 



K hot 



[Copy-Right secured according to Law.~\ 



PREFACE. 



In compliance with repeated and earnest solicitations, the public 
are here presented with another edition of a work, which their par- 
tiality has allowed to possess a portion of merit above the ordinary- 
level of similar productions. That the reader might have an en- 
tire view of the whole controversy, I have interwoven an answer, to 
such parts of the Clintonian pamphlet, entitled " A Reply to Aristi- 
des, by James Cheetham" as could be thought in the least deserving 
notice. In revising my work, it will be seen, I have not only me- 
thodized it throughout, which was much wanted, but I have descend- 
ed to a minute and elaborate refinement in the style, to a degree, 
which nothing but my respect for the public, and a desire to render 
the composition more worthy of their favour, could have induced. 
The comparison of the two editions in this particular, may afford 
some amusement to the young student and the verbal critic. 

The characters have all of them been less or more retouched ; 
some sparingly, others with greater freedom ; but care has always 
been taken that this should not be done at the expense of similitude. 
One portrait has been wholly withdrawn from the exhibition — this 
arose not from a sudden and capricious partiality, but is intended as 
the best reward in my power for very honourable conduct on a late 
important occasion. Another however has been added, though on- 
ly a sketch ; it is the representation of one whose insignificance the 
present agitation of things has brought up from the bottom to the 
surface. 

If the first edition of Aristides was entitled to the flattering re- 
ception it met with, it is with some confidence hoped, this will not 
be found less deserving the same honourable distinction. 



THE AUTHOR. 



AN EXAMINATION, &c. 



TThE subject of the following pages has so long occupied the 
attention of the public, that I can scarcely hope for a candid 
perusal of their contents : the patience of some is no doubt 
exhausted, and the prejudices of others have been roused by 
the numerous and elaborate productions, which have succes- 
sively appeared. The attack on the vice-president has been 
conducted with a vehemence of zeal, calculated to make an im- 
pression favourable to the hopes and views of its authors ; es- 
pecially on those who were ignorant of their real motives* 
These motives I shall attempt to explain. Having truth alone 
in view, I shall endeavour to place the controversy fairly be- 
fore the public, that its merits may be examined, and the pur- 
poses of justice be accomplished. 

If Mr. Burr has been guilty of the conduct ascribed to him, 
I have no disposition to shield him from public indigna- 
tion ; but if the testimony which has been disclosed, is such as 
to show that his conduct has been uniformly honourable and 
correct, it is the duty of every lover of justice, of every friend 
to the government, to clear his character from the malignant 
aspersions of his undeserved and wicked enemies. 

Though I may discover less talents in the investigation of 
this subject, than those whose productions I am to analyze, I 
feel a just pride in the consciousness that my intentions are 
more correct. Though I may exhibit no brilliant testimonials 

B 



2 

of genius, or should fail to please by the sprightly effusions of 
fancy, something like conviction may be produced, by an ex- 
amination of facts, in plain and intelligible language. 

To those at a distance from the field of controversy, it will 
be impossible, without leading their attention back to circum- 
stances and facts anterior to the election which raised Mr. 
Burr to the vice-presidency, to convey an adequate idea of the 
causes that have produced divisions among us. In tracing to 
their source the evils that afflict us, we may meet perhaps with 
the causes that have produced them. By uncovering the secret 
springs that have moved to action our jealous statesmen, and by 
disclosing the ambitious views of opposing interests, we may 
develope the mysterious inconsistencies that have occasionally 
marked our political career, and explain the questions that now 
divide the republican interest. Although these points have 
already been the subject of much discussion, there is something 
so useful in recurring to every transaction intimately connect- 
ed with the present controversy, that I hope occasional repeti- 
tions will be received without censure. 

If, in my progress, I should digress into an examination of 
the characters of certain individuals, who have rendered them- 
selves conspicuous by their conduct upon this occasion, I trust 
it will be pardoned. A knowledge of the men who have as- 
sumed upon themselves the office of instituting an inquiry into 
the political conduct of the vice-president, will tend directly to 
explain their motives. 

Among the evils incident to free governments, none are 
more to be feared than the virulence of party spirit, and the 
violence of political animosities. The nature of our political 
establishments, the intricate and extensive concerns of a confed- 
erated union, seem well calculated to generate those national 
disunions, which, by diminishing our strength, will inevitably 
sink our dignity abroad, while they endanger our happiness 
and safety at home. But much as the intemperance of politi- 
eal opponents is to be deprecated, I fear a difference of senti- 



3 



ment as to the general conduct of the administration, and 
as to the principles of national policy, will terminate only with 
the existence of our government. It has been said that national 
parlies often answer salutary purposes. This is an opinion 
which though it may be entitled to respect, is unnecessary to be 
here discussed. No advantage that my mind is able to con- 
ceive can result from suffering the constitution to be suspended 
by a hair, merely for the purpose of sustaining the attacks of 
contending parties, or from leaving the laws and the compli- 
cated machinery of our civil institutions, to float on the surface 
of political controversy. Nothing very useful can arise from 
permitting every constitutional provision to be tortured by the ar- 
bitrary constructions of ambitious and opposing statesmen ; from 
suffering familiar deviations from well established rules ; or from 
permitting the passions and prejudices of aspiring politicians, 
to prostrate the barriers that should circumscribe their views, 
and limit the hopes of human pride. Though these divisions, 
by rousing the passions, may enliven the sentiments of freedom, 
and by the collision of action brighten the chain of our union, 
continual convulsions must also impair the strength, and dis~ 
solve the bands that bind the body politic together. 

Since the establishment of the federal g overnment, no state 
in the union has been more agitated by the efforts of contend- 
ing ^parties, than the one in which we live. After retracing its 
political history to the adoption of the federal constitution, few 
I believe, will be disposed to doubt the justice of this remark. 
They will find its course occasionally designated by a violence 
that has brought the fundamental principles of the government 
into question, and liberty itself " to the brink of ruin." They 
will see that the constitution has been tortured, and the laws 
violated, by the shameless inconsistencies of party spirit. It 
was at the period above referred to that the line was drawn be- 
tween the two parties that have alternately prevailed, and those 
unfortunate distinctions admitted which have been continued 
under various modifications to the present day. 

Those who advocated the adoption of the constitution as it 



4 



had been prepared by the convention at Philadelphia, assumed 
the name of federalists. — Others, who though convinced of the 
feebleness of the old articles of confederation, and of their in- 
competency to secure the safety and integrity of the Ameri- 
can empire, still thought the proposed constitution inadequate 
to the object contemplated, were termed anti-federalists. 
Though this appellation might have been characteristic at that 
moment, yet it soon after ceased to be so. When they found 
that a sufficient number of the states had expressed their ap- 
probation of the instrument, many of these men not only 
abandoned their hostility to it, but became its sincere and ge- 
nuine supporters. 

The framers of the present constitution, have certainly ma- 
nifested proofs of their political sagacity. It is highly republi- 
can, and seems well calculated to resist most of the evils, which 
human wisdom can foresee. The representative system is ex- 
tended as far as the imperfections of human nature will justify. 
But, after all, it is certainly capable of being so administered, 
as that under different administrations it will assume opposite 
complexions. The executive is armed with sufficient powers 
to administer the government with vigour and activity, and to 
check the pernicious deviations of temporary agitation. Yet 
a chief magistrate, possessed of a speculative turn of mind; of but 
little acquaintance with human nature ; indulging in visionary 
schemes of reformation, and sighing for the happy days of man!s 
perfectibility, may relax the reins of government till its demo- 
cratic ingredients shall gain the ascendency, and in their eccen- 
tric operations substitute the most hazardous principles of mo- 
dern philosophy for wise and salutary provisions. 

The anti-federal, or what is now more properly called the 
republican party, have ever wished for a chief magistrate, who 
would observe a proper medium between the extremes of too 
lax and too rigid an administration. Their opponents on the 
contrary have sought every occasion to arm the executive not 
only with all the power which the constitution fairly gave, but 
with all that could be extracted from it by construction. This 



5 



I conceive forms the true distinction between our national 
parties. The difference appears to me not to relate to the 
soundness of the fundamental principles of our government, but 
to the spirit which shall be infused into it by men in power. I 
shall not pursue these observations, because they may lead the 
attention of the reader from that question, which alone it is my 
object to elucidate. 

The spirit of parties which originated in the animated discus- 
sions that took place in the convention of 1788, continued to 
increase to the destruction of private friendship, and the in- 
terruption of social intercourse, till the return of the election 
in the year 1792. A contest for the chief magistracy then 
ensued, between Mr. Clinton and Mr. Jay, which before its 
determination shook the government to its centre. To form 
a just conception of the violence of opposing interests at that 
period, it will only be necessary for the reader to advert to the 
conduct of the persons appointed to canvass the votes taken 
at that election. 

The popularity of Governor Clinton, from a combination 
of circumstances unnecessaiy to enumerate, had so far declin- 
ed since the convention of 1788, that many of the most pow- 
erful republicans in the state, encouraged the nomination of 
Judge Yates in 1789. 

The federal interest, however, was then so inconsiderable, 
that Mr. Clinton was again the successful candidate. The 
subsequent events in the department of the land office, so ra- 
pidly reduced his influence, that Mr. Jay, his opponent, in 1792, 
would infallibly have been elected, had not the votes of several 
counties, constituting a majority in his favour, been set aside 
and burnt by the canvassers, because, in the opinion of some, 
they had not been returned precisely according to law. 

The number of independent suffrages committed to the 
flames on that occasion, would have insured the success of the fe- 
deral candidate. Though then among the warmest supporters of 



6 

t 

the republican party, I did at the time, and while possessed of 
a mind capable of reflection, ever shall, condemn the proceedings 
alluded to, as in the highest degree, arbitrary and unwarrant- 
able. The dissatisfaction and disseniions which the illjudged 
measures of Mr. Clinton's administration continued to produce 
among the republican party, so far divided, and diminished its 
strength, while it invigorated the efforts of its opponents, that 
in 1795 the government passed into the hands of the federal- 
ists. 

This year Judge Yates was the republican, and Mr, Jay 
the federal candidate for the chief magistracy. Mr. Clinton, 
from a variety of circumstances, had found it prudent to de- 
cline a nomination. And indeed on examining his pretensions 
with some accuracy, it will no doubt appear singular to many, 
that the reins of government remained so long in the hands of 
this gentleman. Many events which though within the know- 
ledge of the writer, it is impossible here to detail, contributed 
to continue him in office. 

It is undeniably true that there is always a reluctance in the 
public mind, to change public officers, while they remain of 
the same political sentiments with a majority of the people, 
and retain the appearance of honesty, with any tolerable share 
of their energy of mind. To this cause, and to gratitude for 
his meritorious conduct during the revolution, Mr. Clinton has 
been indebted for his continuance in office. 

As his retirement from office was apparently voluntary, and 
no farther evils could be apprehended from his administration, 
the federal party, who had uniformly opposed the measures of 
his government, relaxed in the severity of their invectives, 
while those who had supported his. political conduct, were hap- 
py in an opportunity to consign to oblivion, those errors which 
had occasionally received the independent censures of Mr. 
Burr, and the severest animadversions of his eloquence. I 
too should have left them undisturbed, had he not again ap- 
peared upon the theatre of political action, exhibiting lamenta- 



ble instances of an imbecility of mind which yields with blind 
submission to the dictates of a persecuting faction. Heedless 
of the public good, he is now with a fatal irresolution, suffer- 
ing the general welfare to be undermined and jeopardized by 
the shameful machinations of individual ambition. If he has 
not discernment enough to discover the evil tendency of the 
measures, to which he has been driven by a few desperate ad- 
venturers, he is unfit to be the chief magistrate of the state : 
If he does perceive it, and has neither the virtue nor the firmness 
to make a bold resistance to men, whose selfish and dishonour- 
able schemes are involving us in ruin, he is criminal, and deserves 
no lenity from those who undertake to animadvert upon the 
present alarming dissentions in the republican party. 

After w T hat has been said, the reader will clearly perceive, 
both from the nature of the opposition in 1789, and from the 
manner in which it was found necessary to declare him gover- 
nor in 1792, that Mr. Clinton's popularity at that time was very 
equivocal. What it became afterwards, and what "it is now, will 
be shown hereafter. From the republican support given Judge 
Yates at the first period alluded to, and the state of the subse„ 
quent election, it appears conclusively, that Mr. Clinton ne- 
ver has been that idol of the part)', which his unblushing eulo- 
gists wish the world to believe. 

In the support of him as governor, the repuhlicansjwere influ- 
enced by a respect for his character during the war, which in- 
spired them with a hope, that he would continue to maintain 
the principles he then professed. They now see with mingled 
astonishment and concern, that he has dwindled into the mere 
instrument of an ambitious relative, and his mercenary adher- 
ents ; that a paltry and contemptible faction, alike destitute of 
talents and of worth, are sheltering themselves under his name, 
availing themselves of the impotency of his age, and convert- 
ing him into a convenient tool, through whom they may dis- 
pose of the honours and offices of the state for their own profit 
and aggrandizement. 

I am aware, that by my mode of treating the subject under 



9 



examination, the charge of digression may be incurred. It is 
admitted that the immediate object of my inquiry is, to explain 
the factious dispositions, and subordinate interests, which have 
introduced inveterate evils among those who have hitherto ap- 
pe; red to associate upon principles of general policy : But to 
accomplish this, I have deemed it primarily necessary, to take 
a retrospective view of transactions, which are either directly 
or consequentially connected with our present differences. 

In a work entitled " A View of the political conduct of 
Aaron Burr, Esq." and which I shall presently make the sub- 
ject of examination, it is unequivocally, though falsely stated, 
and his support of Judge Yates in 1789 given as the foundation 
of the assertion, that Mr. Burr began his political career on 
the side of federalism. Though I think it of no importance at 
this moment, still no inference of this kind can be warranted by 
the circumstance in question. It is a fact which defies contra- 
diction that many republicans, who had rendered as important 
services to the country during the revolution, and to the cause 
of freedom afterwards, as Governor Clinton or any of his 
connexions, had no confidence in his talents, and warmly advo- 
cated the election of his opponent. But as it is now, so was it 
then; the immediate adherents of Mr. Clinton, deemed his 
right to the chief magistracy so divine and indefeasible, that 
every man who had the audacity to refuse him his suffrage, no 
matter how low or elevated his station, how humbled or dig- 
nified his character, was branded with every odious ? epithet that 
ingenuity could devise. But what must be the shameless au- 
dacity of a party who urge this as an objection to Mr. Burr, 
while they are giving all their support to a man, as Governor 
of the state, who was for a number of years as decided, as vio- 
lent, as persecuting a federalist as any one in this country ; if we 
except Ambrose Spencer. Yes, fellow- citizens, Mr. Lewis, 
now offered to your suffrages as Governor, was once as deter- 
mined a federalist as any one in all their ranks ; and Mr. Burr 
is to be for ever banished from society by an unfounded insinu- 
ation that he xvas once a federalist I I challenge the annals of 
impudence to produce an instance to compare with this. 



9 



To return : From this early period may be dated the hatred 
and enmity which the Clinton family have uniformly borne to- 
wards the vice-president. Conscious of the impurity of their 
motives, and the iniquity of their designs, in darkness they 
have meditated his destruction, and like cowards, sought to 
blast his reputation. One, in confidential correspondences, 
would hazard insinuations calculated to rouse impatience and 
anxiety ; another would whisper suspicions into the ears of a 
friend, with painful caution, and much solicitude as to the de- 
gree of truth to be attached to them. In this tortuous and hid- 
den course, have they pursued the character of a man whose 
energy and talents they dreaded, and in whose presence they 
humbly acknowledged their inferiority. 

Soon after this period, arose a distinct interest, if it may so 
be termed, originating in a preference for the talents and poli- 
tical knowledge of Mr. Burr : a preference confirmed by the 
impolitic conduct of Mr. Clinton towards those who were un- 
friendly to his election in 1789. With these men he never 
could be reconciled, and against them he directed the whole 
force of his official influence. Accordingly in 1792, we see 
Mr. Burr was solicited, though unsuccessfully, to permit him- 
self to be a candidate for the government. The unmanly and 
incautious jealousy of Mr. Clinton on this occasion, alienated 
from him a powerful portion of the party, and produced the cri- 
tical state of the election that took place in that year, it was 
impossible any longer to unite the republican force in his sup- 
port, and this was the true cause of his resignation in 1795 ; 
which, though apparently voluntary, was not proclaimed until 
he was convinced that his re-election was impracticable. 

That Mr. Burr, for several years subsequent to the revolu- 
tion, bore no uncommon share in the civil concerns of the state,, 
is admitted without hesitation. But that his political inactivity 
proceeded from insensibility to the welfare and prosperity of 
his country, would be an inference as uncharitable as unfound- 
ed. The turbulence of war, and the convulsions of the revolu- 
tion, interrupted his literary career, and the unsocial sound of 

Q 



10 



the drum impelled him, at an inauspicious period, to the field. 
At the moment of returning peace, he resumed the cultivation 
of his mind. At once aspiring at professional eminence, with 
unequalled ardour he grasped at erudition, and adhered to his 
legal pursuits, with a zeal and an ambitious industry, that rais- 
ed him with rapidity to the head of his profession, in which 
elevated sphere he moved with distinguished applause, till he 
was selected, in 1791, to represent this state in the senate of 
the union. In this exalted station, we recognize in him the de- 
portment of a statesman, dignified and firm. The uniformity 
of his conduct, during the whole of his senatorial term, esta- 
blished his character as a firm republican. The present secre- 
tary of the treasury, Mr. Gallatin, has frequently declared, that 
he had examined with care and attention the journals of the se- 
nate of the United States, and could not discover that Mr. 
Burr had ever given an anti-republican or even an equivocal vote, 
while a member of that body ; and his nomination for the vice- 
presidency, in 1797, is indubitable evidence of the high estima- 
tion in which he was held by his party. 

The year in which Mr. Burros seat in the senate expired, 
which was in 1797, he was chosen to represent the city of New- 
York in the state legislature. 

Notwithstanding the ingenuity with which the author of 
" the view," has, through the whole of his work, distorted the 
conduct, and discoloured the motives of Mr. Burr, he has not 
been able to point out a single instance, during the session of 
the legislature which took place in this year , that was excep- 
tionable to the republican party. 

But the succeeding year, (1798) was pregnant with porten- 
tous events. 

To gratify the extreme anxiety and officious solicitude of 
Chancellor Livingston, as well as to pacify the clamorous vanity 
of his relatives, the republican party after much hesitation, 
agreed tip support that w learned" personage for the chief njagis* 



11 



tracy. It was at "this time, that this gentleman and his numerous 
connexions, notoriously destitute as he was of claims upon the 
public, and of all attachment to the principles of republicanism, 
strenuously advanced claims to power ; founding their preten- 
sions upon the virtues of an ancient name, and hereditary 
wealth. Although at the period that settled the constitution of 
the states, they had openly fought under the banners of fede- 
ralism, yet they had now conveniently changed with times, and 
become zealous friends of the people^ that thus they might unper- 
ceived climb the ladder of ambition, and usurp political autho- 
rity. The just odium attached to their instability of principle and 
their persevering activity in interested pursuits, at the expense 
of honest views, the infraction of private engagements, and the 
violation of public trusts, had hitherto excluded them from the 
confidence of the people, and almost from all participation in 
the honours or emoluments of public offices. The just estima- 
tion of their views, is perhaps the most decisive instance of 
sound judgment that characterised the former administration of 
Mr. Clinton. And notwithstanding their late apparent recon- 
ciliation, which I shall presently notice, impressions have been 
made that nothing can eradicate : A hatred has been engen- 
dered between them that no time can cool, nor any ingenuity 
long conceal. The result of the election terminated as was 
foreseen, in the defeat and mortification of Mr. Livingston, 
and confirmed the conviction of the party, that the people hac 
no confidence in his political integrity, and had been disgusted 
by his arrogant pretensions. 

In returning to Mr. Burr, and his conduct during the legis - 
lative session of 1798, as detailed in the " View? we have & 
picture presented so diversified and curious, as to captivate the 
most capricious attention, so bold and striking, as to amuse the 
most juvenile fancy, and disturb the sober gravity of age. We 
find him represented as, at the same time, " stiiT and reserved, 
distrusted by the federalists, and suspected by his own party : 
On delicate questions, backward in exhibiting his sentiments : 
Occasionally manifesting a double front, and furnishing abun- 



12 



dant reason, to suspect the purity of his intentions, and the sin- 
cerity of his political professions." * 

These insidious surmises are calculated to prejudice the 
mind of the reader, and prepare it for more serious insinuations, 
and the reception of bolder falsehoods. The common sense of 
every man, however, who possesses the smallest knowledge of the 
political transactions of that day, will at once discover the ma- 
lignity of the mind that conceived and gave them to the world. 

To substantiate all these charges, one instance of " double 
dealing" is attempted to be shown. And what is it ? Why that 
when the council of appointment was to be chosen, Mr. Burr 
was not in the house. Conclusive testimony, triumphant proof 
ii leed, for this sapient author ! But unfortunately for him, 

ven other members it appears were absent, besides Mr. 
Burr, and his vote would not have varied the result of the 
toice that was made. Col. Burr, however, must be responsi- 
ble for the loss of the election at all events, because it will an- 

2T the purposes of his vindictive enemies. Upon such cir- 

nstances, such incidents, such accidental occurrences, is 
reputation of this gentleman to be torn to pieces, and scat- 
tc red before the winds of heaven, the sport of every malicious 
rival, and mechanical traducer. 

The reader will perceive that to pursue the author of the 
Vew through the wide field of abuse and calumny in which 
he has wandered, would involve me in endless labour, and far 
exceed the limits which I have prescribed to the examination 
of these subordinate charges. I shall therefore only notice a 
few of those which appear most deserving of attention. 

The appropriation of twelve hundred thousand dollars, 
moved by Mr. Burr in the extra meeting of the legislature in 
August 1798, now made a subject of attack in the u View," de- 
serves the approbation of his country. The defenceless and 

* See View, p. 25. 

\ 



13 



exposed state of one of the most important ports in the union, 
is a disgrace to the general government, and a reproach upon 
the public spirit of the state. It is matter of astonishment to 
every intelligent traveller, and of regret to every friend to the 
safety and dignity of his country, that a city, whose natural 
advantages are superior to any in the United States, whose 
political consequence to the federal union is incalculable, and 
which annually pays into the national treasury one third of the 
whole revenue of the country, may be subjected to contribution 
by a single frigate, or be insulted, laid waste and burnt, by 
every petty pirate that the hopes of plunder may lead within 
its harbor. 

Every school boy, who has read the constitution, is aware 
that it is the duty of the General government to provide for 
the general defence. But the author of The View knows, or 
ought to know, that it had been applied to in vain, alleging as 
an excuse, a disputed balance of a million of dollars due from 
this state to the union ; and that it was not till after many fruitless 
attempts had been made to interest the national government in 
our safety, to awaken its anxiety for our welfare, that our le- 
gislature were expressly called for the purpose of taking into 
consideration the aspect of our foreign affairs, and to adopt 
means for our security. It was in this critical conjuncture, un- 
der the pressure of these peculiar and untoward circumstances, 
that Mr. Burr's proposition for an appropriation, adequate to 
the probable exigencies of the public, was made. 

The author of The Vzezv, if he is sane, will not contend I 
presume, that if the work of fortifying our harbor was at 
all undertaken, the sum proposed was too large ; particularly as 
under existing arrangements all sums expended for this pur- 
pose, were to extinguish so much of our supposed debt to the 
union. 

The present fortifications in our harbour and their garrisons, 
are a mockery of military force, and have justly become a 
subject of ridicule. The effect they would infallibly produce 



14 



m perilous times would be destructive. They would tend to 
sooth the apprehensions of those unacquainted with the nature 
of military power, and to paralize the efforts of the inhabitants 
of the city. Not till danger and ruin approached their habitations 
would they be roused to exertion, or abandon a fruitless de- 
pendence on a force, barely sufficient to alarm the timidity of 
infancy or dotage, or to sound the alternate approach of dark- 
ness and day-light. For this act of his public life, therefore, Mr. 
Bun* may claim with safety the applause of his fellow-citizens. 

If at the period of which I have been*speaking, it was ru- 
moured that Mr. Burr was to receive a military commission 
from the president of the United States, it did not reach the 
cars of the writer. And surely such a mark of respect could 
not have been dishonourable. 

The necessity of an office to superintend the exaction of es- 
cheats, has long been admitted, and if instituted at the period 
proposed by Mr. Burr, would have been extremely salutary 
in its operations. It would have restrained corporate bodies 
within the limits of their charters, and that it would have in- 
creased materially the revenue of the state, must be manifest to 
the meanest capacity. 

The opposition made by Mr. Burr, to the celebrated amend- 
ment proposed by the state of Massachusetts to the federal con- 
stitution, has extorted the reluctant approbation of this modern 
censor. It is the only solitary act in the annals of this memo- 
rable session, that has escaped censure. This temporary candour 
is dexterously affected, for the purpose of giving additional 
poignancy to the scurrility and slander that ensue. 

If on this subject the writer should vary in opinion from the 
author of The View, it will not, he trusts, be ascribed to per- 
verseness of temper, or a fixed determination to combat the 
justness of his sentiments. Disclaiming all personal motives, 
and all undue attachment to individuals or sects, he will freely 
bestow applause where applause is due, and disapprobation 



where he thinks it is deserved. He will not blindly advocate 
the political infallibility of any man, however exalted may be 
his station. Mr. Burr's political life furnishes much to applaud, 
and something to censure . Upon many occasions he has ma- 
nifested a zeal and patriotic attachment to the true interests of 
his country, that merit the liveliest language of panegyric 
But not exempt from human infirmity, he has occasionally erred, 
in advocating measures not calculated to advance the "prosperity 
of the nation. Though possessed of a mind singularly perspica- 
cious, let us not so far forget the imperfection of human wis- 
dom, as to suppose that Mr. Burr's discernment could adequate- 
ly comprehend, upon the pressure of every occasion, the true 
interests of his country, in all their minute combinations, or 
anticipate the future effects of operating causes. Unlike those 
diurnal scribblers who have sinister purposes to accomplish, I 
think it as fair and charitable to ascribe his support of measures 
which appear to me impolitic, to the errors of his judgment, 
as to improper feelings of his heart* 

Upon the subject of the Massachusetts amendment, I shall 
therefore, with great deference to the superior talents and ex- 
perience of Mr. Burr, question the correctness of his opinions. 
His conduct upon that occasion proceeded no doubt from the 
purest motives ; from a liberal and benevolent disposition. But 
the principles he advocated, I hold to be pregnant with seriou* - 
mischiefs ; in their operation they will poison the sources of 
our happiness, and ere long demolish the proud monuments of 
our freedom* 

The terms of the proposed amendment are not now before 
me, nor can I recollect them with accuracy. If viewed, ab- 
stracted from national objects, or as directed at an individual, 
it was certainly unworthy of support. But if considered as in- 
volving a great political principle, it merits mature investiga- 
tion* 

I lay it down as a maxim, that a similarity of opinions 
upon the principles of government, and a congeniality of po* 



16 

litlcal feelings, are indispensably necessary to insure the peace, 
harmony, and integrity, of our federal union. 

The variety of notions espoused by those who have either 
been expelled from European countries, by wanton power, or 
hastened from their native soils by the terrors of a guilty con- 
science, and who adventure hither in search of better fortune, 
must in their unrestrained operations, generate evils, that by 
slow but sure effects, will work corruption and infuse poisonous 
tendencies into our moral and political arrangements. 

The principles upon which our civil institutions are founded, 
are so mild in their nature, the immunities they grant and the 
privileges they secure, so extensive and diversified, that their 
value to the native sons of American liberty must diminish, in 
the proportion that turbulent and interested foreigners are al- 
lowed to participate in them. 

These apprehensions are rational, and amply justified by the 
systematic plans to acquire an undue influence in our political 
operations, which those deleterious shoots of European corrup- 
tion have lately produced, under the very eye of our govern- 
ment, and in the very centre of our country. Encouraged by the 
countenance of Congress, they are flocking from every quarter 
of the world, in crouds more dreadful and alarming than the 
locusts of Egypt ; than pestilence or famine. Their hearts 
warm with the prospect of plunder, they hasten to the arms of 
their naturalized brethren, who are already preying on the vitals 
of their adopted country ; who, after having been protected by 
our laws, and partaken in our priviliges, are already conceiv- 
ing, maturing and pursuing designs to establish a permanent 
foreign influence, distinct from that of our native citizens. It 
is beyond controversy true, that in this city, and several others 
in the union, they have formed associations for the express pur- 
pose of influencing elections, and favouring the elevation of those 
individuals who will further their views. 

It is also well ascertained that Corresponding Societies are in- 



17 



stituted, for the express purpose of communicating to the dis- 
affected subjects of European governments, the facilities that 
here attend their naturalization, and for inviting them to this 
land of promise. Certain individuals, distinguished abroad, in 
the annals of fraud and sedition, have been honoured with'direct 
applications. Thus encouraged and elevated by the flattering 
prospect, painted in lively colours to their view, America be- 
comes the object of their loathsome embraces, their beloved 
paradise, where they are kindly told that villainy is unrestrain- 
ed in its pursuits ; where skill in fraud, constitutes the value of 
the man, and robbery is ranked among the inalienable rights of 
the citizen. 

Since the ruinous and impolitic act which was passed by our 
national legislature in 1801, has been in operation, we have 
been furnished with unusual importations of these fugitive pa- 
triots. Our sea ports have been infested with these hardy sons 
of foreign corruption ; some the legitimate property of the gib- 
bet, and others with the crimson stripes of infamy fresh upon 
their backs, have already, with native ingenuity, invaded indi- 
vidual property, and with heroic zeal are grasping at political 
importance. 

" Kna^oes from all quarters; fools from every sphere, 
Make this the focus and concentrate here. 
Yet, mystic wonder ! let them touch our land, 
They turn like puppets in a juggler's hand. 
Allies, and patriots, shouting rend the skies, 
While awe-struck echo half repeats, cMes." 

The control of our presses is their favourite object. If 
they find a distinguished individual hostile to their iniquitous 
projects, they mark him out for destruction. He is instantly 
assailed with all the falsehoods and slanders their united inge- 
nuity can devise. A double object is thus accomplished ; the 
power of an enemy is lessened, and their own importance in- 
creased by the concentration of public attention. This was the 
mode by which Burke and Callender sought to acquire fame, 

D 



18 



and to influence public sentiment. This too is the mode pur- 
sued by Cheetham, Duane, and Pasquin, to accomplish similar 
purposes, but more extensive, deep, and daring, in their nature * 

' I assert, without the fear of contradiction, that all the lo- 
cal dissentions of a political nature, with which we have been 
afflicted, originated exclusively, with men of this description. 
And unless some efficacious mode is adopted of checking their 
pernicious career, they will not only impede the operations of 
the government, but soon involve us in all the horrors of intes- 
tine war : unless they are held in proper subordination, by the 
general detestation of Americans or controled by law j unless 
they are excluded from places that faciliate their operations^ 
the people of this country must prepare to surrender their rights, 
and suffer their opinions to be regulated, not by their own good 
sense, but by a few desperate and licentious foreigners. 

It will perhaps be unnecessary to observe, that the remarks 
in the preceding pages, are not meant to extend indiscriminately 
to all who are not native citizens* There are, no doubt, 
many foreigners among us, who having emigrated with just 
views, and for honest purposes, have become valuable citizens^ 
whose worth I duly appreciate. But in the description which 
has been given, I mean to include the general mass of Europeans 
who have arrived since the revolution, and who are daily pour- 
ing in upon us for the purpose of pecuniary speculations, or 
with political views manifestly hostile to the spirit of our go- 
vernment. 

I am aware that the opinions here advanced, are not popular 
with the party to which I am attached ; but it is firmly believed, 
that an attentive investigation of the subject, would impress the 
impartial individuals of every party, with the propriety of my 
sentiments ; would terminate in a conviction that the terms of 
the present naturalization act are highly dangerous, and merit the 
attention of the government.— Reflecting men will allow that its 
provisions are calculated to introduce into the bosom of our 
country, a spirit of licentiousness, at variance with the whole- 



\ 

19 



some rules of American policy ; a profligacy, originating in the 
worst principles of modern philosophy, and which when uncon- 
troled, will operate upon the body politic, like poison infused 
into the human system. 

So far, therefore, as Mr. Burr is an advocate for the equal 
privileges of foreigners, after the short probationary period pre- 
scribed by the present act, he receives my unequivocal disap- 
probation. 

Although the conduct of the vice-president relative to the 
amendment in question, as also upon the Virginia and Kentucky 
resolutions, was gratifying to the author of The View, he has 
not the candour to acknowledge it. His remarks even here, are 
mixed with the malignity that betrays his design. The merit 
of ability is scarcely allowed Mr. Bun*. He spoke ably upon 
one question, says this fastidious gentleman, because he was 
evidently in the majority. On the other he displayed no elo- 
quence, no zeal, because it was supposed a majority of federal- 
ists were opposed to him. So that whether Mr. Burr spoke or 
not, whether he was eloquent or otherwise, whether inactive or 
zealous, censure equally awaits him. The matchless penetra- 
tion of his biographer, discovers a treasonable design in every 
act, a spectre in every bush. All however was hid from vulgar 
vision. It was permitted to none, but the sagacious author of 
The View, to penetrate the heart, to analyze the intentions, and 
elucidate the mysterious conduct of Mr. Burr. Cunning, how- 
ever, should have taught him to withhold censure, where ap- 
plause was manifestly due. But baseness and iniquity, are 
doomed by Providence to bear within themselves the means of 
detection ; the unerring finger of justice will point to their se* 
cret views, and lead to the punishment of guilt. 

The talents of Mr. Burr are next called in question. From 
the terror, however, which his enemies exhibit, I am disposed 
to doubt their sincerity. The hardiest among them tremble, 
when he is induced to exercise and display them. They view 
his genius with humility, and shrink from competition. But as 



20 



it is foreign to my purpose, and certainly needless, to examine 
the extent of Mr. Burr's abilities, I must be permitted to con- 
fine myself to those occasions upon which his principles and 
motives have been the subjects of animadversion. 

His industry in instituting and obtaining a charter for the 
Manhattan Company, needs no comment. If he derived pe- 
cuniary advantages from it, many others certainly did the same. 
But as usual, wherever any evils arise, either from the nature of 
the transaction, or from its progressive effects, they are ascribed 
to Mr. Burr, and none of its advantages must be allowed him. 
Thus, though the Manhattan Company, upon every rational cal- 
culation promised innumerable benefits to the citizens of New- 
York, some of which have certainly been realized ; yet it afford- 
ed Mr. Burr pecuniary accommodations, and the streets of the 
city have not been purified. It has therefore been introduced in- 
to the " View of his political conduct,' 5 as an object of censure. 
Oh! shame, where is thy blush ! 

Although the tax law, which it is said originated with the 
vice-president, has not been found perfectly convenient in its 
practical provisions, I think it would embarrass the inge nuity of 
his enemies, to find aught like treason in it, or to show that the 
act for the relief of insolvent debtors had any connexion with 
federalism. 

These things should have been passed over with the con- 
tempt they merit, did I not foresee that the charge of evasion, 
would hereafter have been urged against me. It, is however, 
unnecessary to pay them any farther attention, as the most com- 
mon capacity must discover the malice that gave them birth. 

We have now - travelled through the celebrated session of 
1798, and slightly touched upon all the points raised by the au- 
thor of The View, to shake the well-earned popularity of Mr. 
Burr. We shall soon proceed to a more interesting period ; 
here, simply requesting the reader to impress upon his mind, 
that all the circumstances which have been referred to, the 



21 



wavering conduct ascribed to Mr. Burr, and which we have 
been told rendered him not only suspected by, but obnoxious to 
his party, are stated to have occurred two years before he was 
in nomination for the vice-presidency. Mr. Burr's instability 
of principle, therefore, must have been perfectly known to the 
author of The View in 1798, and in 1800 he not only wished 
for, but assisted in raising him to the second office in the go- 
vernment. 

If Mr. Burr in 1798, had manifested a want of attachment 
to republican principles, would he in 1800 have been advanced 
to the elevated station he now holds? Would not his political de- 
fection have been circulated throughout the union, and the re- 
motest borders of the country have resounded the anathemas 
of the friends he had betrayed ? Or was there no patriotic voice 
to proclaim his infamy ; to warn the people of their danger, and 
save them from disgrace? The author of The Viexv, that 
guardian of the public weal, was surely in our land, and from 
the proofs he has furnished of his industry, it cannot fairly 
be inferred that he so shamefully slumbered at his post. If 
Mr. Burr's conduct, at that period, had been such as is now 
represented, it could not have escaped his attention. No one 
who has not fallen a victim to insanity, will believe, that if the 
circumstances now so minutely detailed, had occurred in 1798, 
they would have been buried in oblivion until 1802. No dis- 
cerning mind can resist the persuasion, that all the assertions we 
have noticed, are baseless fabrications, conjured up by malignity 
and fraud, to deceive the public and answer the purposes of 
proud and unprincipled ambition. 

It is true, as stated, that in 1799, the vice-president was not 
in the legislature. From the insidious manner in -which this 
circumstance is mentioned, it is evidently intended to raise a 
presumption in the mind of the reader, that his conduct in the 
preceding year, had deprived him of the confidence of the peo- 
ple, and was the cause why he was not again returned ; while 
the truth is, Mr. Burr was nominated, and placed at the head 
of the republican ticket. This clearly evinced that the esteem 



22 

in which he had been held by his fellow-citizens, was undimi- 
nished, and exhibits another instance of the impudent audacity 
of this assassin of private worth and public virtue. By an un- 
foreseen concurrence of circumstances, however, the whole re- 
publican ticket was lost at this election. This circumstance, and 
the awful aspect of public affairs, alarmed the energy, and at 
the ensuing election, called forth the activity and talents of 
Mr. Burr. 

It has been attempted, and with some ingenuity, to deprive 
Mr. Burr of the applause he merited upon that occasion, and 
which was cheerfully yielded by every class of his fellow-citi- 
zens who witnessed his exertions. With the insidiousness that 
marks every page of the production under examination, it has 
been stated that the vice-president was not in the legislature in 
1799; and that the arrangements for the annual elections, are 
made during the session, at the seat of government. Every 
man who is not shamefully ignorant of the political operations 
of the state, will at once perceive this to be an insolent and ab- 
surd fabrication, as far as it relates to the election of members 
of assembly. 

It has indeed been usual before the rising of the legislature, 
to designate the senatorial candidates, and in the form of a r<?- 
commendation, to impose upon the people of the different districts 
a nomination, made in effect by the senators themselves. This 
is a practice as pernicious and dangerous as it is anti-republican. 
It is a direct violation of the representative principle, and hos- 
tile to the fundamental plan of our government. It perverts 
the true object of elections. The elective franchise is thus 
rendered an inefficient privilege, a trifle to amuse the prejudices 
of the people, a speculative bauble, to tickle their fancy and lull 
their jealousy, while the " substantial good" is monopolized by 
the very instruments whom they have lifted into power, and 
who, officiously and arbitrarily dare to designate to their consti- 
tuents, the characters selected by the senate itself to fill up the 
vacancies annually occurring in its own body. 



25 



With great pomp are the people annually told, that the 
constitution and laws of our country have recognized them, as 
the source from which all political consequence and power is to 
emanate. But to what purpose has this right been confirmed to 
them, if they suffer themselves to be ensnared by the election- 
eering tricks of a faction, cajoled into the support of measures 
in direct hostility to their own rights, and influenced to return 
as members of the legislature, men designated by the legisla- 
ture itself? It behoves the electors of the senatorial districts, 
to check this iniquitous procedure, to assert and exercise their 
exclusive right of nominating, as well as electing senators to re- 
present them. 

It will in vain be said, that these informal selections, made at 
the seat of government, are promulgated only as recommenda- 
tory measures, and that the people may reject them if they 
please. Every one who understands the combinations of po- 
litical power, the force with which opinions circulate, and the 
unthinking haste with which the expediency of a measure is ac- 
knowledged, when aided by such an influential impulse, will 
readily perceive the futility of this suggestion. Experience has 
shown the evil consequences of this legislative interference in 
proceedings which should originate with the people, and be 
conducted exclusively by them. 

In consequence of these premature and unauthorized arrange- 
ments, the senatorial districts of the state frequently have been 
represented by men who were not only destitute of claims ta 
their confidence, but obnoxious to a majority of the electors.- 
Ambrose Spencer, a man as notoriously infamous as treachery 
and fraud can make him, has twice been thus imposed upon the 
middle district as its senator, when not a solitary town in any 
of the counties that compose it, could be found to nominate him.- 

I shall reserve what further I have to say of this man for 
another part of the work, and return to the consideration of the 
important election in 1800, in which Mr. Burr bore so conspi- 
cuous a part. 



24 ^ 



Without the fear of contradiction, I ascribe to Mr. Burr 
the success of that election. Convinced that a majority of the 
citizens of New-York were then, as they are now, inspired 
with correct political opinions, I am far from believing that 
this auspicious victory was obtained by any sudden or extraor- 
dinary conversions. But it was the unequalled activity, the un- 
ceasing zeal and laborious industry of Mr. Burr, that roused the 
latent republicanism of the community. It was his happy ar- 
rangements, and a most minute attention to their execution, 
that brought every republican elector to the polls. His elo- 
quence animated the old, and inflamed the young. His per- 
sonal remonstrance and example, moved to action each dejected 
patriot, and gave vigour to every movement. 

The selection of gentlemen to compose the ticket, was also 
originally made by colonel Burr, and subsequently sanctioned 
by a general meeting of the citizens. Several of these, influ- 
enced by unmanly doubts of success and fear of the animadver- 
sions of political opponents, withheld their names to the last 
moment ; a moment on which they knew the fate of the party 
was suspended. 

Governor Clinton remained unmoved by the most earnest 
solicitations ; and with matchless firmness resisted the argu- 
ments of Mr. Burr, who forcibly asserted, that it was a right 
inherent in the community, to command the services of an in- 
dividual when the nature of public exigencies seemed to re- 
quire it. He was inflexible to the last, and then was nominated 
and elected without a distinct expression of his approbation. 
Justice, however, induces me to acknowledge that the reasons 
he assigned for the reluctance with which he acted, were plau- 
sible and potent. He explicitly declared, that he had long en- 
tertained an unfavourable opinion of Mr, Jejfersorts talents as a 
statesman and his firmness as a republican. That he conceived 
him an accommodating trimmer ; who would change with 
times and bend to circwnstances for the purposes of personal pro- 
motion. Impressed with these sentiments, he could not, with pro- 
priety, he said, acquiesce in the elevation of a man destitute of the 



25 



qualifications essential to the good administration of the govern* 
ment ; he added other expressions too vulgar to be here repeat- 
ed. But, said he, with energy, if Mr. Burr was the candidate 
for the presidential chair, I. -would act xuith pleasure and with vi- 
gour. To remove every doubt from the reader's mind, I refer 
him to Mr. David Gelston, Mr. John Mills, Mr. J. Swart- 
wout, or Mr. M. L. Davis, in whose presence these sentiments, 
and many others more disrespectful, if possible, were uttered. 
It was at the house of Mr. Bun*, who, anticipating the evil con- 
sequences that at that critical moment would result from such 
conduct in Governor Clinton, insisted before he left the house, 
that he should promise his friends to desist from using such 
language, previous to or during the election. This was very 
reluctantly complied with on the part of Mr. Clinton. 

Notwithstanding this, they were continually reiterated by 
his son, who publicly and loudly animadverted upon the charac- 
ter of Mr. Jefferson," with the most vulgar severity. Similar 
sentiments were certainly entertained by ail Governor Clinton's 
connexions, as their conduct during the election clearly evinc- 
ed. Mr. De Witt Clinton through the whole contest never ap- 
peared at the poll, but observed the most shameful indifference 
and inactivity. 

An unrestrained, but decent expression of individual opinion, 
is a right I have always cherished, and loved to exercise. The 
language of Mr. Clinton, therefore, upon this occasion, I can- 
not censure. But as the general principles of his party were 
peculiarly involved in that controversy, his conduct was at this 
particular time impolitic, unjustifiable, and weak. 

What has been advanced relative to the election of 1800, 
as to the conduct of Mr. Burr, and that of Mr. Clinton, is mi- 
nutely correct. I cheerfully invite investigation. 

In the answer to the above, Messieurs De Witt Clinton and 
Cheetham, in their voluminous pamphlet, published since the 

E 



26 



first edition of Aristides, present us with the following de- 
fence : 

" I have now," say they, " arrived at the fourth accusation of 
Aristides. 

" At the eve of our city election in the year f800, our friends 
were anxious to place the name of Governor Clinton on the Re- 
publican Ticket. With a view to obtain his assent to be nominated, 
a private meeting of four or five persons was held at Mr. Burr's. 
The indisposition of Governor Clinton to re-embark in public life, 
was well known, and it was therefore deemed good policy to invite 
him to this private meeting, where it was hoped he could be induced 
to consent to be nominated. Here Governor Clinton, it is said, ex- 
pressed the succeeding words, which make up the fourth accusation 
of Aristides against him. 

" Resting the importunity of the persons assembled, Gov. Clin- 
ton is represented to have said : £ That he had long entertained an un- 
£ favourable opinion of Mr. Jefferson's talents as a Statesman, and 
i his firmness as a republican ; that he conceived him an accommo- 
i dating Trimmer^ who would change with times^ and bend to cirewnstan- 
s ces, for the purpose of personal promotion. Impressed with these 

* sentiments, he could not acquiesce in the election of a man destitute 
{ of the qualifications essential to the good administration of the govern- 

* ment. But, said he, with energy, 4 if Mr, Burr ivas the candidate 
s for the Presidential Chair ; I would act with pleasure and with vi- 
tgour." Mr, Gelston, Mr. Mills, Mr. Swartwout, and Mr. M. L. 
Davis, are referred to as persons in whose presence Governor 
Clinton is said to have delivered these sentiments. 

" The view with which Aristides has introduced into his work 
these imputed words, cannot be mistaken ; it is to justify the con- 
duct of Mr. Burr, by the alleged expressions of Governor Clinton. 

" The annals of civil society do not furnish an instance of greater 
indecency, of an infraction of the acknowledged maxims of confi- 
dence more outrageous, than the one here committed by Aristides 
with an intent to disparage the character of Mr. Jefferson, and in- 
jure the feelings of Governor Clinton. It was not to have been pre- 
sumed that Mr. Burr and his partizans would have permitted their 



27 

malice, disappointment, and revenge, to have carried them so far as 
to have divulged a communication of sentiments obviously confiden- 
tial ; for such was the mode, whatever was the conversation which 
occurred at Mr. Burr's at the time alluded to. I repeat that it was 
clearly confidential. The meeting was held in Mr. Burr's parlour. 
The conversation was therefore confided to his honour. It consisted 
of six select friends, by whom Governor Clinton was specially called 
upon to assign his reasons for declining to be nominated for the As- 
sembly. He was insidiously drawn into the company by a particu- 
lar friend of Mr. Burr, and by both assiduous impertinence was used 
to extort from him expressions of no common import ; for nothing 
less would satisfy the impatience and solicitude of these unblushing 
betrayers of confidence. Such then being the nature of the conversa- 
tion, what opinion are we to form of Mr. Burr and his friends, 
who, without cause, without provocation, have broken down the 
mounds of confidence, and insolently trampled upon those necessary 
and delicate rules which bind honourable men together ? 

" These remarks on the confidential communication which took 
place in Mr Burr's parlour, are not offered as an apology for the ac- 
tual expressions used by Governor Clinton ; they are merely in- 
tended to show that Mr. Burr and Aristides have rended all the ties 
of honour. Let me ask what would be the consequence, what would 
become of the little reputation Mr. Burr has left, if his opponents, 
disregarding confidential restraints, were to follow the example ? 
What a scene of intrigue could I unfold were I to avail myself of 
the precedent ! 

a For the truth of the conversation related by Aristides, he refers 
us to Mr. Mills, Mr. Gelston, Mr. Swartwout and Mr. Davis. 
It was unnecessary to refer us to the two latter, who were present 
when the conversation is said to have taken place, for the veracity 
of those who violate confidence is not to be relied on. They are to 
be considered in the light of states' evidence, whose testimony brings 
home to themselves dishonour. Lord Howard's evidence against 
Algernon Sidney has damned him to immortal infamy. 

a The other gentlemen justly view the conversation as confidential 
and though it has been violated by Mr. Burr, Aristides, Swartwout 
and Davis, they do not think the example worthy of imitation. To 
ascertain therefore the precise expressions used on the occasion by 



23 



Governor Clinton, we must resort to sources other than those men* 
tioned by Aristides. 

" The circumstances attending the meeting, and the words really- 
expressed in it by Governor Clinton, are these. 

" A short time before the election of 1 800, the lady of Gover- 
nor Clinton died. A few days after her death, he was solicited to 
consent to be nominated for the assembly. Owing to the distresses of 
his children, occasioned by the loss of their parent, as well as his 
own ill health, he wished to decline. The evening on which the 
election committee were to make their final arrangements as to no- 
minations, he was waited upon by (I believe) Mr. John Swartwout, 
and asked to go with him to Mr. Burr's, where a few friends were 
met on business of the election. Governor Clinton accompanied him 
and found there, amongst others, the persons named by Aristides. 
He soon perceived that the object of this confidential meeting was 
to prevail on him to consent to be nominated for the Assembly. 
He objected to the proposed nomination of himself for the reasons 
above stated, adding that he should consider it cruel to his children 
to separate himself from them at the moment when they stood so 
much in need of parental consolation. To enter into public life un- 
der his present afflictions would do violence to his feelings. They 
were extremely importunate, declaring that the success of the elec- 
tion would depend on his name being on the ticket, and on this would 
also depend the Presidential election. The Governor declared that 
as it was principle and not men for which we were contending, he 
had too good an opinion of his fellow citizens to believe that so 
much importance could be attached to his refusal. And by way of 
excusing himself he remarked that at the last Presidential election, 
when Mr. Jefferson was a candidate, he had used every exertion in 
his favour.... that his opposition to Mr. Adams was not personal ; it 
was founded on his political principles and the tenour of his administra- 
tion., but that after Mr. Jefferson was elected Vice-President, to his 
great surprise, he found him, in his inaugural address, pronouncing 
eulogiums on the virtue and patriotism of Mr. Adams, which he con- 
sidered as high censure on the conduct of those who had opposed his 
re-election. Although he disapproved of the conduct of Mr. Jeffer- 
son in this particular, deeming it, at the same time, temporizing, 
yet he was anxious to do every thing in his power to promote his 
election. But he insisted that the measure which the meeting pro- 
posed would injure instead of serving it. If he consented to be a 



29 



candidate for the Legislature who were to choose the electors, it 
would prevent his taking an active part ; if he did not consent, he 
could with propriety, and would use every exertion in his power to 
promote the success of Mr. Jefferson's election. 

" Such was the language of Governor Clinton ; language which, 
at the period alluded to, thousands of Mr. Jefferson's best friends 
expressed in regard to his inappropriate eulogium on Mr. Adams. 
I have often heard it censured, have censured it myself, and do so 
at this moment. It was emphatically, as Governor Clinton ob- 
served, a high censure on the conduct of those who had opposed the 
election of Mr. Adams. 

u From that language, Aristides has fabricated the story already 
quoted. Governor Clinton said nothing of Mr. Jefferson's talents as 
a Statesman. Of these, I have every reason to believe he has the 
most exalted opinion. Mr. Jefferson has not in the Union a sincer- 
er friend ; a more ardent admirer of his administration. Nor did 
he question his firmness as a Republican. Of this, Governor Clinton 
is sensible Mr. Jefferson has furnished the most satisfactory and in- 
contestable proof. Nor is it true that Governor Clinton remarked, 
as asserted by Aristides, that if Mr. Burr was the candidate for the 
Presidential Chair ; he would act with pleasure and with vigour. He had 
no idea at the time that Mr. Burr aspired to the Presidency ; and 
then, as now, he would be the last to wish him at the head of the 
Government. 

" For the correctness of this statement of Governor Clinton's re- 
marks, I appeal to a credible witness; 

" Ix Commodore Nicholson's interview with him already noticed, 
he pressed him with great earnestness to consent to be nominated 
for the Vice-Presidency, and observed, that his refusal might affect 
the election of Mr. Jefferson as President. Governor Clinton was 
much affected with the observation, and declared, explicitly, that no 
consideration short of assuring the election of Mr. Jefferson, as Presi- 
dent, could induce him to give his qualified consent to be nominated as 
Vice-President, which he accordingly gave. To any one who will 
apply, Commodore Nicholson, the best evidence in the case, will un- 
doubtedly declare this fact, which is alone sufficient to destroy a 
thousand such slanders as that conjured up by Aristides." 



30 



I have here given every word that has been published to 
convict me of a falsehood in my statement of this conversation, 
I am well satisfied that almost every reader will at once per- 
ceive in it a complete confirmation of the precise truth as I stat- 
ed it. I therefore shall dismiss this silly attempt in a very 
few words. 

The writer, it is observed, takes up a good deal of room in 
bestowing reproaches against a violated confidence ; Mr. Swart* 
wout and Mr. Davis are expressly charged with being the 
" unblushing betrayers of confidence" It does not seem once to 
have occurred to his stupidity, that this is a confession of the 
truth of what he is attempting to deny. There certainly could 
not have been any breach of confidence in relation to a confiden- 
tial conversation which never took place. If they reported as 
a truth what never happened, they were guilty of a falsehood, 
but surely there could not have been a breach of confidence. 
Nor am I able to see how Mr. Mills and Mr. Gelston, two 
friends of Mr. Clinton, would now be guilty of imitating Mr. 
Swartwout and Mr. Davis, and of violating confidence, by contra- 
dicting what those gentlemen may have related. This, there- 
fore, is but a poor shift to evade the appeal made to those 
persons. 

Having thus got rid of all the witnesses to the conversation, as 
if he was determined to see how far impudence and absurdity 
could carry him, he says, that in order to ascertain what were 
the expressions used by Governor Clinton at that meeting, the 
u best evidence" of what passed among the six gentlemen who 
were present, is commodore Nicholson, who was not present ; 
and to complete the whole, the commodore is not even pretend- 
ed to have ever opened his lips on this subject ; but he will un- 
doubtedly declare, says this logician, that Governor Clinton told 
him, commodore Nicholson, some time in the year 1800, that 
" no consideration short of insuring the election of Mr. Jefferson 
as president, could induce him to give his qualified consent to 
be nominated as vice-president." This may be evidence that 
Governor Clinton is not above a little duplicity ; that at differ- 



31 



etit times he made use of different language : that when he ex- 
pected to be vice-president, he was all complaisance to Mr. Jef- 
ferson, and when his expectations were at an end he was less 
respectful ; but how it becomes better evidence of what passed 
at Col. Burr's than any thing those present can say, I have not 
yet been able to discover. As it is now settled that Governor 
Clinton is to be the next candidate for the vice presidency, I 
conclude his anxiety for Mr. Jefferson's success as president, 
has by this time fully returned upon him, and that therefore 
other evidence of w T hat passed at Col. Burr's in 1800, may be 
produced to corroborate the evidence of the Commodore's. 
Consequently I do not think it prudent to pursue this subject 
any further. If the reader thinks I stand convicted of a false- 
hood, he had better lay the book aside. I proceed once more 
to my original work. 

The successful result of the election in the city of New- York, 
decided the political character of the state ; and by direct con- 
sequence gave a republican administration to the government of 
the union. When the vast accession of strength to the repub- 
lican cause, derived from the event of our state election, is just- 
ly estimated, I believe the accuracy of this assertion will not be 
questioned. The exertions and services of Mr. Burr, therefore, 
when considered in all their important effects, cannot be suffici- 
ently appreciated. They deserve the applause and gratitude of 
every patriot, and the general admiration of the country. 

That the author of The View, should declare, that Mr. 
Burr had " no claim to a share of the merit of the general suc- 
cess," is not singular. That writer has long ago forfeited all 
claims to integrity and truth. His general undiscriminating in- 
vectives, defeat the effects of his malignity. But that any man, 
w T ho has some reputation to save, and a character to sustain, 
should repeat the calumny, is indeed marvellous. 

Mr. Osgood, that learned and pious expounder of the pro- 
phecies, has been heard to declare w T Ith the solemnity of a 
Turk, that Mr. Burr's exertion,, at the election in 1800, " were 



unessential, and gave not a vote to the republican candidates.** 
When a man is the innocent instrument of promulgating a 
falsehood, he deserves compassion ; but when he is actuated by- 
malice, and propagates it for the purposes of slander and impo- 
sition, he merits chastisement. Where was this gentleman's 
conscience, when he uttered this assertion ? Had it flown to 
Washington in search of an office ? Or did his envy and malice 
set all moral obligations at defiance ? " Tell the truth, and lie 
not," is an injunction, which it was to be hoped, he had met 
with, in his religious researches, and would have restrained 
the effervescence of his native propensity ; would have check- 
ed his invidious insinuations, and his sly departures from recti- 
tude of thought. But some men are born hypocrites* Neither 
the pure and energetic eloquence of the gospel, nor the dread 
of universal detestation, can force them out of the crooked path 
of mischief and deceit. * 

However tenacious a gentleman may be of his reputation, 
it can derive no injury from treating with due respect, the ho- 
nest and upright men of every denomination. Such conduct is 
laudable and proper. It manifests an enlarged mind, a gene- 
rous disposition, and an estimable liberality of thought. But 
that a professed 'lover of religion, should breakfast, dine, and sup 
with James Cheetham, an open blasphemer of his God, a reviler 
of his Saviour, and a conspirator against the religious estab- 
lishments of his country, is a proof of hypocrisy, that should 
banish him from all religious society. That a man who pro- 
claims his attachment to the doctrines of Christianity, should 
the moment he has closed the sacred volume of truth, assist 
in framing and disseminating the most envenomed scurrility, is 

* This man, with whom the Clinton family are connected by marriage, and 
who now wishes to derogate from the merit of Mr. Burr upon the occasion 
alluded to, although he had been reluctantly nominated as a candidate, used 
every effort to frustrate the election of the republican ticket. He declared pub- 
licly that exertions were useless ; that there was no prospect of success ; and 
that to contend with the federalists, was a wild project of Mr. Burr, that 
would terminate in defeat. This is one of the men, who now refuses Mr. 
Burr any credit upon that occasion, and who are endeavouring to deprive him 
of the honours that should have resulted from his labours. 



35 

ample testimony of the ! < I insincerity of his professions, 
and at variance with < ftown principle of moral justice : 

It is, however, for P good to reconcile this conduct to his 

conscience. If after he has read these observations he remains 
callous to remorse, I shajl attempt more potent applications, and 
I cannot but hope, that by perseverance I shall convert him. 

I have noticed this assertion of Mr. Osgood, for the satis- 
faction s>f those only, who did not witness the proceedings at 
our election in 1800. Those who did, know its falsehood. 

The writer of the Reply, remarking on this passage, says-^ 
" Mr. Osgood may have declared, and if I am not mistaken, 
I have heard him justly declare, that those who support Mr. 
Burr in his perfidy, ascribed to his exertions a success as false 
as it was degrading" It is with reluctance I detain the reader 
with any thing relating to such a wretch as this ; but it may 
not be amiss to show those who believe he may sometimes speak 
truth, that they should be very sparing in admitting this, if they 
would not willingly be laughed at by himself for their credulity. 
Take the following account of Mr. Burr's exertions at this 
election, from Cheetham's own paper of October 7th, 1802. 
Addressing himself to the vice-president, he says : " In 1800, 
you was all activity, all zeal, all vehemence. Every ligament 
of your frame was brought into action. You devoted night and 
day to promote the success of the republican ticket." " You 
had made nice calculations on the subject, and very clearly 
foresaw the necessity of Herculean exertions. Accordingly, 
you were the very essence of animation. You were first at the 
meetings, first at the polls." After this extract I shall leave 
Cheetham and Osgood to settle it between themselves the first 
time they meet at Cheetham's house over a pot of beer, which 
is the liar, or whether the honour is to be equally divided be- 
tween them. 

This year Mr. Burr was elected a member of the legisla- 
ture, by the patriotic county of Orange : a county celebrated 
for its attachment to the sound principles of the revolution* 
which it has ever supported with firmness and alacrity* 

F 



I should deprive my readers in the county of Orange of a 
pleasure, if I did not here furnish Y tn with the very ingenious 
turn that has been given to this c, 

" At the election of 1800," says the Reply, « it was deem- 
ed important to nominate gentlemen of the nrst respectability 
for wealth, patriotism, integrity and mo, Is, Governor Clin- 
ton, Judge Livingston, General Gates, Mr. Osgood, Col. Rut- 
gers, Mr. John Brome, and others of respectability, ,yere there- 
fore nominated. It was a trial of the relative strength and 
respectability of the two parties ; and as the ticket of our op- 
ponents was composed of gentlemen of distinguished charac- 
ter, to meet them with one equal, if not superior, in any point 
of view, was considered as essential to success. Hence, Mr, 
Burr xvas not. nominated to represent the city in which he was 
known and resided. His name was transferred to the county of 
Orange, where his character was but little understood." 

I shall indulge but one observation. If this account of the 
motives which induced the Clintonians in this city, to procure 
Mr. Burr's name to be placed on the Orange county ticket be 
false, as it undoubtedly is, it is only another specimen of the 
spirit which has ever actuated the enemies of the vice-presi- 
dent in their attacks upon him : allowing it to be true, it is so to- 
tally at variance with fair dealing as ought to kindle the resent- 
ment of the republicans of that insulted county ; but whether 
true or false, the open and unblushing avowal of it in the face 
of the world, betrays such an unprincipled disregard of moral 
rectitude, such an absence of sentiment, such an insolent con- 
tempt for the understandings of the citizens in that large and res- 
pectable portion of the state, as must excite their universal in- 
dignation. 

In the month of May, 1800, which was soon after the suc- 
cess of our state elections was known, the nominations for the 
presidency and vice-presidency were made at Philadelphia, then 
the seat of government. Here it was unanimously agreed up- 
on by the republican members of Congress, that Mr. Burr should 
be supported as the vice-president ; nor were there any inter- 



35 



fering claims that could stand in his way for a moment. But 
as the writer of the Reply, with a view to sooth the pride of 
the Clinton family, and at the same time to wound the feelings 
of Mr. Buit, has endeavoured to show that Governor Clinton 
was the person first thought of as vice-president, and that had 
he wished for that distinction he might have been gratified, I 
shall once more allow him the opportunity of being heard at full 
length. 

" The facts respecting llie nomination of the vice-p resident, are 
as follow. 

" In the year 1800, Congress met in the city of Philadelphia. Pre- 
vious to their adjournment, the republican members of the two houses 
held a meeting for the purpose of nominating a president and vice- 
president. At this meeting Mr. Jefferson was unanimously agreed 
upon for the presidency. It was also agreed that the vice-president 
should be taken from the state of New- York, and Governor Clinton, 
in the opinion of the meeting, was the most eligible character. Mr. 
Burr was spoken of as vice-president, but only in case Governor 
Clinton should decline the nomination. 

" Having agreed to nominate Governor Clinton as vice-president, 
Mr. Gallatin was requested to communicate to commodore Nichol- 
son, of this city, the sense of the meeting, and to beg him to wait 
upon the Governor to obtain his assent. Accordingly Mr. Nichol- 
son called on Governor Clinton and showed him Mr. Gallatin's let- 
ter. A long conversation took place between them, which, on the 
part of the Governor, was to the following effect. 

" He mentioned that he had already devoted a great part of his life 
to the public ; the recent death of his wife, and the attention due to 
his children, had rendered him particularly averse from again em- 
barking in public life ; that nothing but the peculiar and unhappy 
condition of our public affairs, and the pressing imp ortunity of his 
friends, had induced him to consent to serve in the State Legisla- 
ture ; that having a voice in that capacity for the choice of the Pre- 
sidential Electors, and consented to serve in it from the most 
disinterested views, it might appear as if he had been governed by 
selfish policy if he consented to be nominated vice-president ; that 
there could be no difficulty in selecting a proper character, and tha^ 



36 



Colonel Burr whose name was mentioned in Mr. Gallatin's letter, 
Chancellor Livingston, or Mr. John Langdon, would answer as well 
if not better than himself. Commodore Nicholson pressed the Go- 
vernor with great earnestness on the subject, and mentioned empha- 
tically that his refusal might affect the election of Mr. Jefferson. 
Governor Clinton was much affected with the remark, and answer- 
ed, that he could not believe that it would be the case; that, how- 
ever, the love of his country was uppermost in his heart, and if it was 
conceived that serious injury would result to the republican cause, 
from his declining to serve, he would consent as far as that his name 
might be used on the ticket without any contradiction on his part ; 
but that it should be understood, that if this step should really be 
deemed expedient, if elected, he should be at liberty to resign with- 
out giving umbrage to his friends. Upon this commodore Nichol- 
son determined to draft a letter to that effect, and show it to the Go- 
vernor previous to its transmission to Philadelphia, in order that he 
might be satisfied that he had correctly communicated his ideas on 
the subject. 

" Accordingly Mr. Nicholson went again to Governor Clinton's 
house the same day, and showed him a correspondent draft, which 
he approved of and returned. 

" So far it appears that Gov. Clinton was nominated by the repub- 
lican members of Congress, and that agreeably to their pressing so- 
licitations he consented, under the conditions mentioned, to the nomi- 
nation. This consent was expressed in the letter written by Mr. Ni- 
cholson, which was to be immediately sealed and forwarded by him to 
Mr. Gallatin, in order that he might lay it before the Republican 
members of Congress before they separated and returned to their 
respective homes. We shall now see the low and dishonourable 
tricks by which Mr. Burr procured his own nomination ; tricks 
which are exactly of a-piece with his mean and ambitious intrigues 
from that time to this. 

" After leaving Governor Clinton, Mr. Nicholson called at Mr. 
Burr's house, and finding him alone, showed him the letter of Mr. 
Gallatin, and the answer which Governor Clinton and himself had 
agreed should be immediately forwarded to Philadelphia. On the 
letter and the answer Mr. Nicholson asked the opinion of Mr. Burr. 
He appeared agitated declared that he would have nothing to do 



37 

with the business ; that the Southern States had not treated him well 
on a similar occasion before ; that he thought their promise could 
not be relied on, and that he would not give up the certainty of being 
elected Governor to the uncertainty of being chosen Vice-President, 
He then immediately left the room, and two republican 'gentlemen, 
in whom Mr. Nicholson had confidence, came in. Mr. Nichol- 
son mentioned to them his business, showed them the letter he 
had received from Mr. Gallatin, and the one he himself had writ- 
ten in answer to it, expressing, in Governor Clinton's own language, 
his consent to be nominated. One of them declared with a de- 
termined voice that Mr. Burr should accept, and that he was oblig- 
ed to do so on principles which he himself had urged at the late elec- 
tion for members of Assembly, viz. that all personal considerations 
should be given up for the good of the public i Upon this they left 
the room and shortly after returned in company with Mr. Burr. A 
general conversation now took place on the subject, and Colonel 
Burr, with seeming reluctance, consented to be nominated ! Being 
well persuaded of the disinclination of Governor Clinton to accept of 
the Vice-Presidency, Mr. Nicholson then altered the letter (which 
he had agreed to send to Mr. Gallatin) into an unqualified declension 
on his part, and inserted Colonel Burr's assent ; which letter, so al- 
tered, being approved of by Colonel Burr, was forwarded to Phila- 
delphia by the Mail ! ! A short time afterwards Mr. Nicholson com- 
municated this curious proceeding to Governor Clinton, who, so far 
from exhibiting any displeasure on the occasion, appeared happy in 
having got rid of further concern in the affair." 

For the purpose of placing this " curious proceeding" be- 
yond question, the writer subjoins the following note : 

" The above statement will, no doubt, surprise many of my 
readers and may even occasion a blush in the face of Aristides. 
Lest, therefore, the truth of a single word of it should be doubted, I 
deem it proper to say that I have copied it literally from testimony 

NOW IN MY POSSESSION OF THE HIGHEST POSSIBLE NATURE. The 

document to which I allude, may be perused at my office by Aristi- 
des, by Mr. Burr, by his deluded adherents, or by any other person 
who entertains doubts of the truth of my statement. After this decla- 
ration, I hope there will be no quibbling on the subject." 

It is not I presume to occasion any surprise when the reader is 
told that every material fact in this narration is absolutely false, 



38 

and that the circumstantial account of what is related to have 
passed at Mr. Burr's, is no more than a trick resorted to for 
the purpose of giving a semblance of truth to the more impor- 
tant part of the story. But perhaps it may create surprise, at 
least in some, not so well acquainted with the writer of the 
Reply, to be here informed that the very testimony spoken of 
as being in his possession, from which he says in his note, the 
statement was copied, and of which, for the purpose of im- 
posing on careless readers, he has the unparalleled assurance to 
invite inspection, this very testimony comes entirely short of 
supporting him. This was charged upon him at the time of 
his publication, in one of the daily papers of this city? and 
was never denied nor in any manner explained. But this is 
not all ; permit me now to convict him of a lie under his own 
hand. 

The reader will bear in mind that it is stated in the above ex- 
tract from the Reply, that previous to the adjournment of Con- 
gress in 1800, the republican members agreed that the vice- 
president should be taken from the state of New- York, that 
Governor Clinton in the opinion of the meeting, was the most 
eligible character, and that Mr. Burr was only spoken of in case 
Governor Clinton should decline the nomination ; that Mr. 
Gallatin was appointed to communicate to commodore Nichol- 
son the sense of the meeting ; that he did so ; that the com- 
modore waited on the governor, procured his consent, and 
wrote an answer accordingly, but the same day altered his 
mind and altered his letter, and made Mr. Burr vice-president 
of the United States, without saying any thing to Governor 
Clinton about so trifling an affair till some time afterwards, 
when Governor Clinton was very well pleased with what he 
had done. Such was the ludicrous manner in which, if credit 
is due to the author of the Reply, our last republican vice-pre- 
sident was selected. Now for the other account of this busi- 
ness from the pen of this identical writer. In the 40th page 
of the celebrated " View," of which I have so often had occa- 
sion to speak, the same business is thus related : 

u This was the beginning of May, (1800) when Congress 



39 



were on the eve of adjournment. It was then deemed proper 
to make a choice of candidates previous to the returning of 
the representatives to their respective districts. It was known 
that the candidates would be fixed upon at the seat of govern- 
ment by the members of Congress. There was no time for a 
choice in any other way* Mr. Burr accordingly repaired to 
Philadelphia, where a meeting of the members of both houses 
was called. At this meeting, Mr. Burr attended, and, after 
" some affected squeamishness, consented to serve as vice-pre- 
sident." 

u Without censuring the members of Congress, who made 
choice of Mr. Burr, and who were obliged by circumstances 
to nominate a vice-president rather precipitately, it is proper to 
remark, that he was too little known in the different states to 
render his nomination either judicious or acceptable. There 
was undoubtedly much intrigue on the part of Mr. Burr and 
his personal friends, to get him nominated. Had the republi- 
can part}' in the state of New- York, who best knew him, been 
consulted, he would not, with their consent, have been nomi- 
nated." 

Never was it.more necessary for any one to bear in mind 
the proverb that " liars should have good memories," than for 
the poor devil who has sold himself soul and body to propa- 
gate the diabolical slanders of the Clinton faction. He is so per- 
petually crossing his own track, that if those who sometimes un- 
dertake to detect him in his falsehoods, would only think to com- 
pare him at one time with himself at another, it would save 
them all the labour of confuting him by facts or arguments of 
their own seeking. 

In the instance before us it would be an imputation on the 
understanding of my readers to suppose it necessary for me to 
point out the staling contradictions in these two accounts of one 
transaction. It may, however, be observed, that as they are at 
direct opposition with one another, it would be hardly fair 
to insist on our receiving both as correct ; but admitting either 



40 



to be so, what are the conclusions we are warranted in making ? 
If Mr. Burr, as stated in the f View," was agreed upon, and 
gave his consent to serve, it is not to be conceived that he was 
guilty of meanness in afterwards procuring his consent to be 
solicited, that it might be given to commodore Nicholson in 
his own chamber, to the exclusion of Governor Clinton. And 
if Governor Clinton declared to commodore Nicholson that 
he was pleased with what he had done, and the commodore 
himself was pleased, where is the room for saying that " had 
the republican party in the state of New- York, who best knew 
him, been consulted, he would not with their consent have been 
nominated ?" Lastly, that Mr. Burr was nominated because 
his character was little known, is a novel reason, to be sure, for 
elevating a man to the second office in the government. It is a 
direct insult upon those who made the selection. Equally pre- 
posterous is it to suppose, that a gentleman who was twice in 
succession, nominated for the vice-presidency, and who had been 
six years in the senate of the union, should be scarcely known 
beyond the limits of his native state. 

Such pitiful attempts to detract from the celebrity and me- 
rit of the vice-president, will be easily perceived by intelligent 
men in distant states. To them their malignity must be mani- 
fest. For them, however, they were not intended by their au- 
thor. They were calculated for domestic purposes. To im- 
pose upon the inhabitants of our own state ; those particularly, who 
from their local situation cannot be minutely acquainted with 
the political operations of the general government, nor discern 
with accuracy the motives that influence great political arrange- 
ments. I am persuaded, however, their good sense will detect 
these sinister views, and reject with disdain the impressions 
these attempts were intended to produce. 

Those who have visited the remote parts of the United States 
can testify, that there was no private gentleman in the union, 
who was more universally known, whose political character was 
better understood, and whose services in the cause of the re- 
publican party, were more readily acknowledged and more 



41 



highly estimated, than those of Mr. Bun*. It was a knowledge 
of those services, of his exalted talents, and of his attachment 
to correct principles of government, that produced his nomina- 
tion to the vice-presidency ; that gave him an equality of votes 
with Mr. Jefferson, and placed him in the second office in the 
government. If he was unknown, it was only to that band of 
base and hired calumniators, with whom he refused to hold 
communion ; whom he has ever considered as pests to society ; 
whose destructive and disorganizing projects he has uniformly 
opposed ; whose hatred he has incurred ; whose malice and re- 
sentment he has thus drawn down upon him. Before this ex- 
amination is closed, these remarks will be elucidated, and, I 
trust, to the satisfaction of the public. 

Whether deafness was among the influential objections to 
Chancellor Livingston's nomination, I do not know. But that 
there prevailed an uncommon want of confidence in his political 
stability, is certain. He was supposed, and justly, destitute of 
that solid and useful knowledge so essential to the character of 
a statesman. Instead of a man possessed of an energetic, vi- 
gorous mind, capable of steady application, and forcible inquiry, 
he was deemed a capricious, visionary theorist, eternally wan- 
dering in fancy's fairy fields. Heedless of important and labo- 
rious pursuits, at which his frivolous mind revolted, he was 
known to be lamentably deficient in the practical knowledge of 
a politician. Although it was understood by his friends that 
these sentiments were generally entertained, so great was their 
solicitude upon the occasion, that with the consent of Mr. Burr, 
Mr. Livingston was first proposed to the meeting at Philadel- 
phia ; but he was rejected by a large majority. 

By whom it was understood that Governor Clinton " had de- 
clined to serve as vice-president," I know not. He may, to 
be sure, squeamishly, though justly have remarked, thai he 
was " too old, and that it was an honour to which he was not en- 
titled." But this I do know — that he sighed for that nomination, 
and that his connexions were indefatigable to obtain it for him, 
until they found that the republicans in this state, as well as 

G 



'42 



abroad, had conclusively determined in favour of Mr. Burn. 
They had deliberately examined the talents and pretensions of 
the two gentlemen, and, as Mr. Brockholst Livingston truly 
observed, " after taking all things into consideration, it was 
deemed most expedient to recommend the nomination of Mr. 
Burr." 

Respect for the feelings of an old man, required that those 
proceedings should be conducted with delicacy. The connex- 
ions of governor Clinton, with cheerfulness therefore, were al- 
lowed to declare that he had " declined the nomination j" but 
the feelings which this disappointment inspired could not be 
concealed. About this period I heard the late Mr. E acker de- 
clare, with much asperity, (rather incautiously to be sure) that 
Mr. Clinton had been treated with great injustice ; that he 
wished to have been nominated for the vice-presidency, and 
ought to have been gratified. This gentleman was an intimate 
and devoted friend to the governor. Independent, therefore,, 
of the knowledge of those who were consulted upon that occa- 
sion, and of all positive proof, this collateral circumstance alone, 
is amply sufficient to establish the fact in question. It exhibits 
most decisively the wounded and restless jealousy of Mr. Clin- 
ton's advocates ; and it accounts satisfactorily for the abuse they 
have since so liberally bestowed upon Mr. Burr. This disap- 
pointment confirmed their long cherished enmity. It exaspe- 
rated their envy. It wounded their malice : and on the altar of 
ambition they swore revenge. They have ever since prosecut- 
ed their nefarious purposes with a zeal unequalled in the black 
annals of ambition. No means, however dishonourable or dark 
have been left unessayed, to ruin the reputation of Mr. Burr, 
thus to gratify their humbled pride, to allay their thirst for 
power, and to sooth the irritable vanity of dotage* 

In the month of October in this year (1800) the legislature 
met at Albany, for the purpose of choosing the electors for pre- 
sident and vice-president of the United States. That object 
was accomplished. The federalists having lost their majority 
in the legislature, twelve republicans were elected. 



43 



As the legislature had been convened expressly for this pur- 
pose, no other business of importance was transacted, except 
choosing a new council of appointment. Although some 
doubts were entertained as to the constitutionality of making 
the choice at that time, Mr. Burr and a majority of the legisla- 
ture were in favour of the measure. A council was according- 
ly elected. Mr. De Witt Clinton was taken from the south- 
ern, and Ambrose Spencer from the middle district. These 
gentlemen, aware of the importance of this appointment, from 
the moment the government was to pass from the hands of the 
federalists into those of the republicans, had spared no pains to 
secure their own election. From the important powers vested 
in the council, they fondly hoped to derive an extensive influ- 
ence. Elevated with the intoxicating prospects of soon emerg- 
ing from obscurity, and becoming the instruments to dispense 
public favours, they in a most humiliating manner, solicited 
every conspicuous member of the legislature for his vote and 
influence. Mr. Burr was not left unharassed for a moment, un- 
til, fatigued with importunities, he incautiously assented to the 
measure. Although convinced that they were inimical to his 
approaching elevation, and jealous of his political importance, 
yet he had no conception of the mischief they meditated. It 
was impossible to anticipate the extent of their iniquitous de- 
signs. No reasonable man could suppose, that this casual con- 
sequence would at once be converted into an engine to accom- 
plish the purposes of private ambition ; that the interests of the 
state would be heedlessly abandoned, the oaths of office disre- 
garded, and all public considerations trampled under foot, or 
swallowed up in the destructive vortex of perfidy itself. Those 
who knew the characters of these men, opposed their election. 
They knew them destitute of honour, probity, or talents, and 
of all attachment to the general welfare, abstracted from pri- 
vate interest. They knew that no obligations, however sacred, 
could restrain them from violating, without remorse, those pre- 
cepts of justice which even savages respect. 

Party spirit too, at this period, was still at its height. The 
times, it was thought, required the employment of agents who 



4-4 



>vould march with hardihood over all the barriers that mo- 
ral duty, private honour, or political rectitude might oppose 
to the accomplishment of given purposes. For operations of 
this kind, Mr. De Witt Clinton and Ambrose Spencer were 
peculiarly adapted. Since the author of The View, &c. has 
studiously avoided, and for the best of reasons, all animadver- 
sions, upon their official proceedings, a hasty glance at their con* 
duct may not be unwelcome to the reader. 

As Mr. Clinton is believed to have been most instrumental 
in directing the proceedings of the council of appointment, if I 
devote a few moments attention to him, it must not be consi- 
dered as a mark of respect. It is his station, and not his 
merit, that justifies this attention. 

There is a species of character destined for obscurity, but 
which is sometimes rendered conspicuous by fortuitous circum- 
stances ; which, though it cannot command respect by bold and 
decisive iniquity, bids defiance to contempt. Such is Mr. 
Clinton's ; and since he has for some time apparently possessed 
a share of popular favour, and progressed with some rapidity 
in the road to political eminence, it may be useful and interest- 
ing to review his public conduct ; the mode in which he ob- 
tained the confidence of the people, and the fidelity with which 
he has discharged the important trusts reposed in him. As he 
has avowed himself the leader of a faction, which, with wild 
and savage impetuosity, is assailing at once the peace of the 
Union and the established system of our civil policy ; which is 
rapidly advancing in its revolutionary labours, and with irreli- 
gious zeal disseminating the principles of infidelity, and propa- 
gating new political dogmas, tending to the destruction of mo- 
rality and the dissolution of the federal compact, I shall be jus- 
tified, I hope, in bestowing upon his character, a few moments 
of dispassionate consideration. To trace Mr. Clinton through 
all the scenes of baseness in which he has been engaged, would 
be a task too laborious for ordinary industry and patience to ac- 
complish. With talents certainly not above mediocrity, he has 
Contrived to destroy the peace of the country, and under pre- 



45 



tences notoriously false, to alarm the earnest apprehensions of 
quiet citizens. Were it not disgraceful to political controversy 
to drag forth the defects of private character, I would deve- 
lope the dark and gloomy disorders of his malignant bosom, 
and trace each convulsive vibration of his wicked heart. 

The man who is the acknowledged leader of a band of hired 
calumniators, is responsible for their guilt. Their conduct, and 
its consequences, must be ascribed to him ; and whatever evils 
mav be produced, he must justify them, or sink under the 
weight of public indignation. The result, therefore, of the at- 
tack on the vice-president, will determine Mr. Clinton's fate. 
He will either be exalted as an instance of successful iniquity, 
or be re-consigned to insignificance and contempt. 

From the period that elapsed between the conception of the 
plan and the commencement of hostilities, from the preparato- 
ry arrangements that were made, and the secret associations 
that were formed, whether at New- York or elsewhere, it was 
easily foreseen that the authors of the calumnies against Mr, 
Burr, would, if possible, conceal their names, that in the event 
of success, the honour might be safely claimed, or of defeat, 
that popular odium might be eluded. This determination was 
certainly dictated by discretion. But in the moment of " in- 
temperance," warm in the pursuit of victor}-, and sanguine in 
his hopes, ignorant of the firmness of his adversaries, of the 
justice and intelligence of the people, Mr. Clinton has pro- 
claimed himself the hero here ; yet with confidence I assert, 
that he will ere long be compelled to abandon the contest, and 
rely for safety on the " humanity" of the country, or seek in ob- 
scurity, refuge from disgrace. 

Though his usual ingenuity may have suggested the expe- 
dient of having some abandoned relative or worthless infidel, 
readv to assume the responsibility of every libel he should pro- 
duce, I ever have, and hereafter shall consider Mr. Clinton as 
the real author of the publications, entitled, A Narrative, &c. 
A Viexv of the Political Conduct, of Aaron Burr, and A Reply to 



46 



Arislides. In doing this, I am warranted by high and direct 
authority, corroborated by the internal evidence the works af- 
ford, by the language he has uttered, and the conduct he has 
invariably pursued. 

In free governments it is a wise and salutary maxim, that 
men in exalted stations, should be viewed with jealousy ; that 
their public conduct and opinions should be examined with free- 
dom : But the exercise of this right should be governed by 
public principles. The welfare of the state should never be 
hazarded by prostituting it to the vile purposes of personal envy. 
The great interests of the nation, should not be blended with 
the meaner objects of private resentment. The real friend of 
his country, will suffer no such unworthy considerations to in- 
fluence his conduct. When the government which he loves is 
in danger, he will stand forth its open and manly advocate, he 
will proclaim himself the enemy of secret treachery, claim in 
person the assistance of the people, and rely on their virtue for 
support. The mean, ambitious intriguer, will choose the mode 
Mr. Clinton has pursued. He will seek, by malicious whispers 
and insidious charges, which it is impossible to disprove, to 
ruin the reputation of every popular man, and reduce the cha- 
racter of every superior to a level with his own. 

When I shall have completed my examination of his import- 
ant productions, and the pretended discoveries they contain, 
these will appear to be the " unworthy motives," that have in- 
fluenced Mr. Clinton in the controversy with Mr. Burr. A 
controversy which in its aspect has become so important as to 
attract universal attention, and may in its consequences serious- 
ly affect the Union. Important he has rendered it. He has 
called on every litigious scoundrel in the country to blow the 
horn of civil discord. Clerks, surrogates, and attornies, have 
been enlisted under his banners, and bought by offices, to cry 
like parrots, treason and desertion. When he was elevated by 
accident to a seat in the council of appointment, these creatures 
were cherished, and swarmed round the council room, like 
reptiles on the banks of the Nile. Yes, these vermin, who 



47 

have been engendered in the sunshine of executive favour, and 
are feeding on the public bounty, now dare to proscribe the 
patriots of '76 ; men who fought and bled for their country's 
freedom, and subsequently resisted the introduction of princi- 
ples hostile to the constitution. 

I repeat that he was not chosen a member of the council 
for his talents or integrity. Destitute of both, he was artfully 
selected by a few, to accomplish vile and wicked purposes. To 
effect objects from which every honest man would have shrunk 
with horror. It was at this period, until which he had been 
unnoticed, that his character began to unfold ; and, in his offi- 
cial conduct since, he has manifested a degree of guilt, sufficient- 
ly daring to alarm the slumbering fears of the community, and 
dissipate the willing blindness even of his friends. In concert 
with his great compeer in perfidy, he commenced a system of 
corrupt and savage persecution, at variance with the constitutional 
policy of the state, and adverse to the essential principles of our 
civil institutions. 

If the welfare of the country required a revolution in the 
catalogue of public officers, the procedure should have been 
adopted upon fair and manly principles. Justice and integrity 
should have marked the triumphant steps of the government. 
Mildness and impartiality should have proclaimed the restora- 
tion of public freedom. But, forgetting all duty to the laws, and 
responsibility to the people, Mr. Clinton, in a course of the 
most abandoned profligacy that ever disgraced a man in the ser- 
vice of his country, proceeded to prostitute the honour of the 
government ; polluting, without fear, the purity of justice, and 
subverting with unhallowed hands, the fair fabric which patriots 
had erected. With callous hardihood, that bad e defiance to the 
whispers of reason and of virtue, he sacrificed the interests 
and safety of the people to gratify his own inordinate ambition. 

This passion had seized his mind, from the first moment he 
was introduced to public notice, by the officious interference of 
his uncle, then governor of the state, and whose whole personal 



4S 



and official power had been exerted to raise this degenerate 
youth from the low occupations, for which alone his clumsy and 
ferocious mind was formed. Every effort was made to reflect 
a little consequence upon him, and give him precedence to his 
cotemporaries, most of whom were infinitely his superiors. Al- 
though without talents, or any promising traits of character, he 
derived some importance from these circumstances, and was soon 
offered to the citizens of New- York as a candidate for a seat 
in the state legislature. At this early period, though at an age 
when generous and correct sentiments should have influenced 
his conduct, he manifested a total disregard to the principles he 
professed, and to the means by which his objects were attained. 
This zealous and humble patriot, who now affects to shudder at 
the name and iniquities of federalism, then boasted that he had 
made secret arrangements with certain federalists for their sup- 
port, and that his election was safe, though the other republican 
candidates would probably be lost. 

Such is the man who now boasts of the purity of republican 
character; who, after having thus betrayed his party, and 
sought federal support in his election, attempts to denounce Mr. 
Burr as an apostate, for exchanging with his political opponents 
the common civilities of life. Though Mr. Clinton solicited 
the support of federalists, and Mr. Burr rejected it when offer- 
ed, yet because it is not known that he drove the messenger 
with violence from his door, Mr. Burr is branded by him with 
every odious epithet that malice can suggest. 

Thus too in 1798, when Chancellor Livingston was a can- 
didate for the government of the state, and himself for senator 
of the southern district, Mr. Clinton in his letters, gave no 
countenance to the election of the chancellor, and sent messen- 
gers to the polls, for the purpose of electioneering, with positive 
instructions to abandon the other republican candidates, if neces- 
sary to secure his own election. 

Inflated with pride at the unmerited attention he received, 
his vanity rendered him a subject of ridicule, and his demean- 



/ 



49 



our of disgust. He was insupportably troublesome to the par- 
ts, and jealous of every influential member of the legislature. 
His envy and selfishness were never more unjustly roused, nor 
more intemperately expressed to his correspondents, than upon 
the following occasion. Mr. M'Cord, a patriotic member of 
the legislature from the county of Orange, introduced a resolu- 
tion for the purpose of instructing our representatives in Con- 
gress, to attempt a repeal of the stamp act, which had excited 
much uneasiness and dissatisfaction throughout the state. Mr. 
Clinton thought this proposition would meet with the approba- 
tion of the people, and as he believed himself entitled to the 
exclusive privilege of introducing all popular measures, he was 
excessively irritated on the occasion ; and vented his spleen in 
secretly abusing Mr. M'Cord. He wrote to his correspondent 
in this city, that Mr. M'Cord Was actuated by selfish motives, 
and that his only object was, to acquire a little popularity and 
applause. 

Previous to Mr. Clinton's election as a member of the 
council of appointment, he found it prudent to observe some 
caution in his opposition to Mr. Burr. The futility of his 
mind and influence would have sunk into total insignificance, 
when put in competition with the talents and power of that 
gentleman. But soon after this event he threw off all restraint. 
Puffed up with vanity, he fondly hoped to wield without con- 
trol, the power of the state, and that all officers, dependent on 
the council for their appointments, could be marshalled like 
slaves against any designated opponent. A hatred of Mr. 
Burr, which had been infused into the mind of this young man 
from his infancy, and which had been confirmed by his uncle's 
loss of the vice-presidency, was now brought into full opera- 
tion, and displayed itself upon every occasion. It was, how- 
ever, soon found that neither the Clinton nor Livingston in- 
terest singly, could oppose with success the well-earned populari- 
ty and influence of Mr. Burr. An interview therefore was 
suggested and obtained, between the leaders of each faction. 
After some deliberation, the preliminaries were settled, and a 
regular association formed, for the lau dable purpose of ruining 

H 



50 



the reputation and prostrating the power of Mr. Burr ; leaving 
the division of the spoils to future arrangement. 

This party, composed of materials discordant and odious, 
organized upon principles more wicked than any that had ever 
arisen in the state, soon commenced their destructive operations. 
With astonishment it was observed that no man, however virtu- 
ous, however unspotted his life or his fame, could be advanced 
to the most trivial appointment, unless he would stipulate to 
abandon all intercourse with Mr. Burr, vow opposition to his 
elevation, and like a feudal vassal, pledge his personal services 
when called for, to traduce his character, and circulate from one 
end of the state to the other, all the slander with which he 
should be furnished. The sullen frowns of poverty influenced 
some, avarice and the lust of power corrupted others, and the 
sternest virtue sometimes yielded to the prospect of political 
eminence and promotion. Ordinary vision was dazzled by the 
splendid show of power vested in the council of appoint- 
ment, which was now more conspicuously displayed than ever. 
The whole state was to be revolutionized, and purged of all 
impurities. By a sudden exertion of public strength, it was to 
be at once translated from a state of sin and misery, into one of 
perfect tranquillity and bliss. 

The council was the instrument that was to effect these glo- 
rious purposes. But upon viewing the materials of which it was 
composed, good men despaired, and sunk under the conviction 
that all the ends of their labour, all the wishes of the people, 
would be frustrated and despised. Instead of keeping steadily 
in view the honour of the government, and making wholesome 
reformations in the disposition of political power, the members 
of this body were governed by a mean, sordid, and selfish poli- 
cy, meditating alone their own aggrandizement, and the esta- 
blishment of extensive political influence. Principle was pros- 
trated, virtue and talents ridiculed. 

These observations are intended to apply particularly to the 
two champions, who have uniformly claimed the sole honour of 



51 



having conducted the operations of the celebrated council of 
which I am speaking. The third republican member, though 
undoubtedly upright in his views, was deluded by ingenious ar- 
tifices, and the confusion of the times. It has been -also deem- 
ed expedient, (and is I believe universally practised) for the 
members of the council to concede to each other the exclusive 
right of nominating for the districts they represent. The two 
most southern districts, represented by De Witt Clinton and 
Ambrose Spencer, were the seat of the most mischievous ma- 
chinations. As the first of these gentlemen has always boasted 
of an absolute control over the other, I shall ascribe to him 
chiefly, the arrangements in that portion of the state, which 
these districts embrace, and to him exclusively, all the appoint- 
ments in the southern district. Here he originated and pursu- 
ed a system of intrigue, of favouritism and persecution, so ex- 
tensive and diversified, as to defy elucidation, and stagger all 
human speculation. Those alone who have witnessed the dis- 
sentions and confusion that have prevailed among us, can esti- 
mate the iniquity of his conduct. 

His intimacy with men, who have long' since disowned ail 
regard to decency, and have become the daring advocates of 
every species of atrocity, certainly deserves notice, and ought 
to insure him the detestation of the community. His connex- 
ion with those who by their lives, as well as the precepts they 
inculcate, have become finished examples of profligacy and cor- 
ruption, who have sworn enmity, severe and eternal, to the altar of 
our religion, and the prosperity of our government, must infallibly 
exclude him from any commerce with reputable men. What sen- 
timents can be entertained for him, but those of hatred and con- 
tempt, when he is seen the constant associate of a man,whose name 
has become synonymous with vice ; a ruthless assassin of private 
character, the destroyer of domestic comfort, and of social happi- 
ness ; when he is known to be the bosom friend and supporter 
of this dissolute and abandoned libertine, who from the vulgar 
debauches of the night, or the custody of civil officers, hastens 
again to the habitual commission of daily crimes ; a callous 
Caitiff, who, through the robbery of the public revenue, and 



52 



the violation of private seals, hurries down the precipice of 
deep and desperate villainy. 

Can he have even claims to compassion, while he openly ex- 
tends his confidence and friendship to another wretch, whose 
whole life has been a continued scene of fraud and perfidy ; 
whose destructive grasp, neither friend nor foe, not even the 
wandering stranger, can escape ; by whom swindling has been 
reduced to a science, and treachery to mathematical certainty ? 
From pure congeniality of soul, it is presumed he has assumed 
the name of " Lysander" the most corrupt and abandoned vil- 
lain ever born in Greece. This language may offend the 
delicacy of Mr. Clinton's friend, and rouse the tender sym- 
pathies of his patron. But it is proper, because it is me- 
rited. The society in which he is permitted to live will ap- 
plaud the chastisement, and Mr. Eden will bear testimony to 
its justice. 

The appointment of Tunis Wortman as clerk to the mayor's 
court, is sufficient to confirm all the observations I have made, 
relative to the views with which the officers for the southern 
district were selected. This elegant personage is a living 
monument of the patience with which Americans can suffer 
themselves to be abused and insulted by men in power. An 
execrable compound of every species of vice, he is at this mo- 
ment an object with whom every decent man scorns to asso- 
ciite. The curious who wish to view human nature in its most 
degenerate state, will in this man find a fit object of contempla- 
tion. To the natural inquirer he will afford an interesting sub- 
ject of speculation. He will be found in the lowest class of 
creatures recognized as rational, if not the very link that joins 
the animal to the human race. This " pestilent pauper," whose 
squalid countenance, carious teeth, and fetid breath, cause the 
street passengers to leave the walk to avoid him, was raised by 
the council from the filth in which he wallowed, to the most 
lucrative office in the state. When called on to justify this out- 
rage upon the honour and dignity of the city, Mr. Clinton in- 
creased the atrocity of his conduct, by exulting in the mischief 



S3 



he had done. " Though he is a great scoundrel he has been of 
service to the party, and ought to be rewarded," were the 
words he uttered. Here is a direct avowal of the principles 
upon which he acted. A complete confirmation of the charges 
which have been urged against him. It is irresistible 
evidence that the public good had no influence in determining 
his conduct. It is the " ne plus ultra!'' of political depravity, and 
establishes his guilt in every mind, that is not impenetrable to 
conviction. 

The author of the Reply has thought it worth his while to 
attempt to vindicate Wortman from the chastisement inflicted 
in the above. With this view he says, " It will scarcely be cre- 
dited that to the eloquent pen of this gentleman, who to grati- 
fy party malevolence is classed among the lowest order of hu- 
man beings, Mr. Burr is indebted for the most splendid of his 
professional speeches. The beautiful and much admired 
speech, which he delivered in the case of Weeks, was written 
by this lowest of creatures, recognized as rational. He has pro- 
voked the disclosure. Let him be shorn of his borrowed 
honours." Now it is not to be denied that if there is one word 
of truth in this, the disparagement of Mr. Wortman comes 
with an ill grace from any friend of Col. Burr. The falsehood, 
however, has been detected by the person best able to detect it, 
and his correction has passed without reply or notice. Mr. 
Coleman, the reporter of Weeks's trial, a gentleman, by the 
way, not to be suspected of much partiality to Mr. Burr, when 
he saw this statement in the Reply, came out in the Evening 
Post of the 7 th of February, and declared explicitly that this 
account " differed materially from the truth," for that the speech 
of Col. Buit on this occasion, as it appears in print, was written 
out from his own short hand notes taken at the trial, and con- 
cluded with saying that whatever of merit there was in Mr. 
Burr's speech, " he was certainly not indebted for it to Mr. 
Wortman, nor to any other person." This, it seems placed 
Wortman in an awkward predicament, who found himself dri- 
ven to acknowledge openly in the Citizen, that " "Whatever me- 
rits existed in the speech of Mr. Burr delivered at the trial, 



54 

he presumed to have been entirely his own" Though my rea- 
ders will feel no surprise at this writer's being occasionally con- 
victed of a falsehood, yet perhaps it is not a little singular that 
he should never once stumble on the truth. But enough of this 
digression : 

To enumerate more particularly the reprobates who form the 
circle of Mr. Clinton's confidential associates, shall be the oc- 
cupation of another moment. However painful and degrading 
it may be, a due regard to justice, and a desire to give a faith- 
ful delineation of his character, will lead me to exhibit him as 
the constant companion of men who are personally abhorred, 
whose sentiments and conduct have long since received the de- 
cisive sentence of public condemnation. From every impure 
source he has attracted the votaries of vice, and formed a vete- 
ran phalanx that do no honour to the viciousness of his own 
mind. Such are his companions, such the fearless patriots 
who claim the protection of our country, and audaciously de- 
mand the honours of the state. Familiar with so much iniqui- 
ty, it was natural to suppose that his ingenuity would be exer- 
cised to raise the political consequence of these congenial cha- 
racters ; to scatter the seeds of irreligion and confusion until 
they produced the destruction of all moral and political obliga- 
tions, relaxed attachment to the laws, and engendered dissen- 
tions destructive and incurable, among the supporters of a 
wholesome government. Scenes like these alone could give 
him consequence to a malignant misanthrope, and raise him from 
obscurity. 

But perverse indeed, or feeble, must be the mind which 
cannot discern that the days of political delusion and anti-social 
conspiracies are passing away ; who does not perceive daily 
proofs of the returning attachment of our citizens to the bene- 
fits of a stable, free and well organized government ; they never 
will suffer its foundations to be subverted, and the privileges 
which they cherish and love to exercise to be torn up by the 
unhallowed hands of a few desperate adventurers. One mo- 
ment's exercise of even Mr. Clinton's slender capacity, would 



,55 



yield him this conviction. Let him then make one earnest ef- 
fort to escape from ruin ; to abandon his horrid communion with 
" vulgar vice, and base-born profligacy ;" to vindicate the dig- 
nity of his nature, and save, though it were by the locks, the 
drowning honour of his name. 

The transition is easy, from moral to political depravity ; 
from private baseness to atrocious corruption in public 
life. The characteristic traits of Mr. Clinton's mind have 
been manifested in whatever situation he has been placed ; 
whether in the humble sphere for which he was designed 
by nature, or enveloped in the deceptive grandeur of 
fortuitous elevation. Those who had marked the progress of 
his profligacv, soon discovered cause for alarm, and were not 
surprised at the iniquity of his public conduct. He has verifi- 
ed the predictions of the suspicious, and silenced the most cre- 
dulous part of the community. An acknowledged novice in 
the science of government, and a stranger to elevated principles 
of policy, still it was hoped by those to whom he was unknown 
that though he might prove incompetent to take an enlarged 
view of the political relations of the state, or conceive any com- 
prehensive plan for the regulation of its various interests, that 
he would yet discover some share of integrity, and exercise 
some little industry and discretion in discharging the duties 
of an appointment, which he had meanly condescended to so- 
licit. 

But those who were sanguine enough to indulge these vi- 
sionary hopes, were unmindful of the invincible propensities 
that had marked every moment of his political life. They 
thought it impossible that a person so young could be regard- 
less of every upright principle, and callous to remorse ; or that 
the practice of iniquity could so soon have banished every honour- 
able sentiment from his heart. But the illusion was soon dis- 
sipated, and they beheld him an adept as well in political as in 
moral turpitude ; profoundly skilled in all the combinations of 
treachery and fraud ; an unprincipled and desperate intriguer, 
whom neither fear, nor shame, nor dread of punishment, could 



5ft 



restrain. Where, it may be asked, was his wonted prudence, 
and where his boasted honour, when he caused it to be pro- 
claimed to candidates for office, that personal devotion to a few 
ambitious individuals had become the standard of political me- 
rit ? What elevated patriotism was it that induced him to em- 
ploy two abandoned hypocrites, to pursue candidates through 
this town to ascertain their personal attachments and political 
prejudices, and kindly to insinuate, that unless satisfactory as- 
surances were given of future support in the selfish projects of 
himself and friends, and of strenuous opposition to the eleva- 
tion and popularity of the vice-president, every avenue to pro- 
motion would be forever closed ? With what temporary de- 
rangement of intellect could he have been afflicted, when he 
personally solicited General Alner and Mr. Ezekiel Robbins 
respectively, on the same day, to accept the appointment of 
health-officer for the city and county of New- York ; to both so- 
lemnly pledged his support; betrayed both, and subsequently 
gave it to a third ? From this disgraceful charge he cannot 
escape, by alleging a want of power, or the want of influence, 
nor hope for " indemnity to himself from community in crimes." 
Those who have been initiated into the mysteries of the coun- 
cil, or who discovered by accident the arrangements of the day, 
are ready to confront him. Constraint cannot be urged, in pal- 
liation of his treachery ; nor can he plead the pressure of the 
times, and that " care may retract vows made in pain as vio- 
lent and void." His conduct was as voluntary as it was base, 
and serves to elucidate the complicated criminality of his cha- 
racter. 

Let us hear the reply to this charge. " It is said, that Mr. 
Clinton promised offices and afterwards betrayed those who re- 
lied upon his assurances. This is extremely improbable. It 
would have been presumptuous in Mr. Clinton, a single member 
of the council, to have given assurances even to the most me- 
ritorious character. It would have been arrogant, for such assu- 
rances would have indicated the belief that he possessed sovereign 
control in the council. It would have been preposterous, for he 
knew that the other members of the council were as independent 



as himself." All I shall say to this, is that Mr. Clinton might 
as well have acknowledged the fact in a direct manner, and 
for once have gained the credit of a little candour. 

By what " noble and elevated considerations" could Mr. 
Clinton have been actuated, when he deliberately sold the of- 
fice of secretary of the state for a vacancy in the senate of the 
union ? When he basely abandoned the interests of his consti- 
tuents, and left the city he represented, exposed to the threat- 
ened horrors of anarchy and confusion ? Destitute of a local go- 
vernment or an efficient magistracy, the lives and fortunes of 
the citizens were equally at stake. At this gloomy moment, 
they applied for relief to the sovereign authority of the state, 
and relied on the exertions of those whom they had honoured 
with their suffrages and their confidence. But Mr. Clinton dis- 
regarded their danger ; he smiled at their apprehensions, and by 
the most daring intrigue, raised himself above their control. 
The moment was at hand that was to terminate at once his 
seat in the senate and the council ; he dreaded the justice of 
the people, and dared not meet the awful scrutiny of his con- 
stituents. Conscious of his guilt, he knew that at the expira- 
tion of the period for which he was elected, he would have 
been driven from his elevation, hated and disgraced. " Re- 
luctant and unrepenting," he would have been compelled to re- 
tire to some secluded spot, sinking under the accumulated de- 
testation of the people. And though he may have derided the 
impotence of the laws, and in his retirement malignantly rejoic- 
ed at the evils he had produced, he would have been consign- 
ed to the infamy he merited ; despised and unnoticed, except 
when pointed out as an object of scorn and abhorrence. 

The office of secretary of the state was bestowed on a man 
destitute of talents, and notoriously unworthy of confidence, 
A contemptible, shuffling apothecary, who, without talents to 
profit by the pursuit of an honest profession, and just capable of 
doling out medicine by the ounce, has assumed every cha- 
racter designated by human actions. To accomplish his pur- 
poses, he has travelled round the whole circle of religious cte- 

I 



58 



nominations ; he has alternately embraced every sect, and sub- 
scribed every creed, from outrageous methodism, to the inof- 
fensive ceremonies of the Baptist, until he has terminated his 
career in the sports of the turf, jockeying in horses, and in 
chaffering politics, without ingenuity to devise, or spirit to pur- 
sue any systematic plan of iniquity. 

This Tillotson, the worthy relative of the Livingstons, had 
travelled the country round, like an hungry spaniel, begging art 
office as he went. He journeyed to Washington to solicit in 
person the collectorship of New- York. The futility of his 
claims, and the seriousness and address with which he urged 
them, formed a subject of ridicule to the administration for a 
month. No sooner was this favourite scheme frustrated y than 
he ransacked Maryland, and offered to honour his native state 
with his residence if any thing worthy of his attention could 
be offered* There fortunately he was known, and nothing was 
presented to induce his return. This active knight returned 
from his romantic expedition, cursing the vice-president, pro- 
claiming him a federalist, and a traitor to his party, simply for 
having recommended another gentleman for the office of collec- 
tor for the port of New-York. 

This preux chevalier began his life with a laudable determi- 
nation to make his fortune. He practised with unlimited sue* , 
cess upon the Livingston maxim, 

Rem facias^ rem 
Si possis recte, si non, quocunque modo rem* 

To him it was immaterial whether it was squeezed from the 
pockets of honest and industrious tenants, or whether it was pil- 
laged from a relative by the glorious chicanery of the law, or 
whether derived from the public treasury, as an equivalent for 
services he is utterly incapable to perform. Inflamed with a 
zeal for office and governed by these mercenary views, TilloN 
son solicited the office of secretary of the state as his last re- 
source. His worthy brother was interested in his behalf* and 



59 



resigned his seat in the senate of the union.* The council 
gave Tillotson the office he desired, and Mr. Clinton was cho- 
sen to fill the seat which Armstrong had abandoned. This 
shameful transaction needs no farther comment. 

Mr. Clinton certainly displayed some management in mak- 
ing his arrangements with Tillotson and Armstrong. The re- 
signation of the latter, and Mr. Clinton's elevation to his va- 
cant seat, was the only possible mode in which he could arrest 
the expression of disapprobation which his constituents were 
prepared to pronounce at the then approaching election. In the 
hour of danger he had abandoned their interests. When local 
animosities and party virulence threatened derangement to our 
municipal regulations ; when the city was upon the eve of be- 
ing left watchless and unprotected ; when dark and midnight spi- 
rits prowled about the streets, meditating deeds of " darkness and 
disaster," he remained unmoved by the menacing calamity. 
Conscious of the fate that awaited him, he fixed his views on 
a seat in the senate of the United States, and escaped the in- 
dignation of his constituents by stepping into the place he had 
induced Armstrong to abandon. 

This lazy apostate had alternately espoused the doctrines and 
advocated the principles of the different parties in the state* Af- 
ter vibrating between each, in quest of favour and promotion, he 
at length settled permanently, as he said, on the side of the re- 
publicans, and they, as usual, rewarded his treachery with a 
seat in the national senate. At Washington, however, he found 
nothing congenial with his warlike temper, nor any thing with- 
in the influence of his mischievous disposition. There no tu- 
mult or rebellion could be raised, Distressed and hungry sol- 
diers are the only subjects on which he can operate with suc- 
cess, and for his attempts at the close of the revolution, he 
should have received a fate which similar incendiaries seldom 
have escaped. Far above the sphere in which he was formed 
to move, unheeded and despised, Mr. Clinton found it easy, I 
presume, to induce him to abandon a place where neither apos- 

* Tillotson and Armstrong are brothers-in-law. Both married sisters of 
Chancellor Livingston, 



60 



tates nor advocates for rebellion were received with confidence 
or respect. His proposition was made at a judicious moment ; 
a proposition, which by its success, at once disgraced the na- 
tional legislature, by the introduction of a knave and an infidel, 
and increased the dangerous dissentions in the state, by restor- 
ing to its bosom an incendiary, whose only occupation and 
amusement has ever been to excite domestic broils and village 
mischief. 

The person selected to fill the office of district attorney has 
uniformly been a subject of ridicule with our political oppo- 
nents, and a disgrace to the council that appointed him. This 
contemptible and obsequious sycophant, abandoned the federal 
standard on the third day of the election in 1800. On the 
first he voted for the federal candidates ; on the second, perceiv- 
ing that his party would be defeated, he began to waver ; on the 
third he boldly avowed himself a republican, and after the vote 
was declared in the evening, got upon a table in an ale house to 
congratulate the republicans on their success. This vain and 
contemptible little pest, whose political sentiments, like a wea- 
ther vane, are regulated by every interested breeze that blows, 
has been advanced to honourable and lucrative employment, in 
preference to men of sterling and acknowledged merit ; men, 
who, in the days that " tried men's souls," combated with vi- 
gour the principles he then espoused. But 

u Pigmies are pigmies still, though perch W on Alps J 7 

Neither the office which he holds, nor his having become the 
" depositary of Mr. Clinton's honour," nor his being the fa- 
vourite companion of Mr. Cheetham, can raise this elastic pup- 
pet above contempt. While he is in office his ignorance and 
incapacity will expose him to disgrace. The disgust and dis- 
satisfaction which his appointment has produced, should cer- 
tainly excite shame and regret in the bosom of Mr. Clinton, if it 
was susceptible of any. But however deeply involved in mis- 
chief, the world will do him the justice to acknowledge that no 
emotions of sorrow, repentance, or remorse, were ever known 
to enter there. 



61 



The appointment of justices of the ten pound court, was al- 
most equally objectionable. Instead of regarding as he ought 
the claims of those who had acted as magistrates under the old 
law, and who had been deprived of their office by the establish- 
ment of the new system, Mr. Clinton preferred young men, 
some of whom were strangers to the party, and destitute of 
claims to public favour. Two of them were but just stript of 
their swaddling clothes, and their legal knowledge is hardly 
competent to the just decision of the simplest law case. But 
he deserves some credit for adopting means, apparentlv well 
calculated to insure success to the object he had in view. Upon 
his return from Albany, Mr. Clinton declared that the appoint- 
ments had been made with the view of rendering the court in 
question unpopular, and thus to prepare the way for its aboli- 
tion. There is an unfortunate fatality attending all his at- 
tempts to justify his conduct upon these occasions. When pub- 
lic men act upon motives like these, and have the hardihood to 
avow them, it evinces a spirit of depravity which threatens the 
most incalculable mischiefs. 

It needed not the assertion of Mr. Clinton, to convince the 
world that the council of appointment were actuated by impro- 
per views. Every county in the state exhibits- ample testimony- 
of the fact. With pain the people saw them yielding to the 
pressure of wicked allurements, and in effect, becoming the re- 
tailers of commissions, for which, pliancy of principle, blasted 
reputation, and enmity to the vice-president, were the most ac- 
ceptable equivalents. These were manifestly the principles that 
governed the appointments in the southern district. As Mr. 
Clinton dictated them, the responsibility must rest exclusively 
on him. I have pointed out a few of the most odious selec- 
tions that were made in this portion of the state ; to enume- 
rate them all would fill a volume, and far exceed the limits to 
which I am necessarily confined. 

And now, it may with justice be inquired, on what founda- 
tion rests Mr. Clinton's claims to integrity ? Is it a systema- 
tic determination to violate every promise, however sacred ; or 



62 

a total disregard to those ties of honour which bind alike the 
christian and the savage ? Where, it may be asked, are we to 
search for proofs of his discernment ? He will point, no doubt, 
triumphantly, to his companions, and some civil officers who 
have been taken from the lowest class of debased humanity. 
In what act of his life can we recognize his attachment to the 
welfare of the government, or the principles of virtuous free- 
dom ? Will he refer us to the prostitution of the power with 
which he was for a moment invested ; to his itinerant efforts to 
dispose of offices to those who would swear eternal opposition 
to Mr. Burr ; or to that system of selfish policy which at an 
early period was adopted by himself, and those on whom his 
transient influence immediately depended? a system which has 
laid the foundation for lasting and ruinous disorders in the state. 
View our political condition, and compare it with what a wise 
and judicious administration of the government might have ren- 
dered it. Instead of harmony and union among the friends of 
freedom, instead of a consolidation of the republican interest, 
calumny and dissentions are rapidly producing symptoms of de- 
cay and dissolution. Every part of the country is manifesting 
the most anxious solicitude, and the apple of discord, rolling 
through the land, is every where generating discontent, disor- 
der, and confusion. These scenes are hazardous and alarm- 
ing, and derogatory to the dignity of government. They are 
the awful annunciations of dissolution to our party, with whose 
ruin will disappear, the bright prospects of happiness which 
have but just beamed upon the people. That enlightened sys- 
tem of national policy which has its origin in the principles that 
prevailed at the revolution, will be prematurely terminated by 
the hands of intemperate foes, and the cause we espouse over- 
whelmed in its infancy. 

These are the apprehensions of one who reflects on the con- 
sequences of political conduct- They are fears common to 
those who view with attention, the unimportant incidents that 
often destroy attachment to political establishments, and in- 
fluence the direction of popular opinion. But Mr. Clinton, no 
doubt, can view with unconcern the poisonous divisions which 



03 

have been introduced among us, because he has not sagacity 
to foresee the evils they may engender ; because he has neither 
the candour to avow, nor the sensibility to lament his errors 
nor his crimes. The portentous clouds that occasionally float 
through the atmosphere, or hang on the political horizon, ex- 
cite no emotions of sorrow in his bosom, because no change can 
render him more odious to the community, nor shorten the du- 
ration of his appointment. But let this Felix tremble, for it is 
well said, that " he who sows the seeds of ruin, his is the har- 
vest of iniquity." He will one day be called to atone for the 
evils he has produced. However late, that period must arrive. 
He has hazarded the prosperity of the party, and sported with 
the welfare of the people. The day of retribution must come, 
and he should prepare for the awful sentence that awaits him. 

The conduct which Mr. Clinton, has hitherto pursued in this 
important controversy, and the consequences it is likely to pro- 
duce, has authorized the public to demand upon what princi- 
ples he has proceeded. Destitute of personal resolution, proofs 
of which have been abundantly exhibited, in a manner disgrace- 
ful to himself, and offensive to his friends, he will perhaps 
shrink from a task so arduous and delicate. But no apology 
will be received* He shall be called up for judgment before 
the tribunal authorized to pronounce his sentence. He shall 
hereafter derive no advantage from seclusion ; if he is wise, he 
never will return to his retired habitation. It has already gen- 
erated in his bosom all the malignant passions incident to hu- 
man nature. The serenity of rural retirement is ill suited to- 
the tempestuous emotions of his heart. If he rejects not my 
friendly admonition, he will bid adieu for ever, to his cool re- 
treats and shady bowers ' t they connot be congenial to the tur- 
bulence of his spirit. His attachment to them is prophetic. To 
the oak, traitors have often been suspended, and a villain can 
never be cherished in its shade. Cruel by nature, capable of 
concerting and pursuing a series of cool and deliberate villainy, 
he has become morose without dignity, mean, and contracted 
without the advantages it usually produces. His inflated de- 
portment has rendered him an object of derision and disgust* 



64 



His vanity is as conspicuous as his wickedness is notorious ; he 
should recollect the hand that raised him from indigence, and 
cease to proclaim the " stability" of his fortune. It was neither 
obtained by industry nor inheritance, but lavished on him by 
the wayward caprices of female weakness. He should restrain 
therefore the puerile ebullition of his vanity, and rely on other 
considerations for public favour. 

In the picture which I have here drawn, the friends of Mr. 
Clinton will no doubt recognize a just resemblance. Though 
it has not been finished with the delicate colouring, and happy 
touches of a master, a few rude lines it is hoped, have given 
the characteristic features of the original. I always despaired 
of making the delineation perfect ; a complete and faithful re- 
presentation of his character, would defy all human ingenuity, 
and frustrate the liveliest efforts of the mind. Though I may 
not have been completely successful, yet, as truth is my guide, 
the information of the public, and Mr. Clinton's reformation 
my only object, the attempt will perhaps produce some good. 

It will naturally be asked, why, in my remarks on the pro- 
ceedings of the celebrated council of 1800 and 1801, Mr. Spen- 
cer has not been more minutely noticed ? He is not entitled to 
particular attention, because Mr. Clinton has uniformly declar- 
ed, and the assertion has never been doubted, that Spencer 
acted entirely under his control ; that he was a mere engine set 
in motion to execute the plans which he himself had neither 
courage nor skill to accomplish. He has moreover become so 
odious in the county in which he resides, and throughout the 
state, that to attempt to render him more contemptible and 
despised, would be an idle waste of time. 

I have already stated, that this celebrated gentleman, has 
twice imposed himself upon the district in which he lives, as its 
senator ; and with the smile of a traitor on his face, he has ne- 
ver failed to disgrace his constituents while he has uniformly 
betrayed their interests. With a heart " corrupt and rotten to 
the very core," nothing but money could ever coerce him in- 



$5 



to the path of honour. He is governed by no principles or feel 
ings, but those which avarice and immeasureable ambition in- 
spire. The whole course of his life exhibits an unvaried scene 
of vulgar deceit and base-born villainy, scarcely equalled in the 
history of human depravity. Having at the commencement of 
his political career, attached himself to the federal party, he 
acted entirely with them until the end of the year 1798. At 
that period he was a member of the council of appointment, 
and with characteristic ferocity, advised the indiscriminate 
ejection of republicans from office ; in his own peculiar and ele- 
gant phraseology, he then declared, that with him * " repub- 
lican and rascal were synonimous terms." 

Early in 1799, impressed with a conviction that he had 
served his party and its principles with fidelity, he sought, as 
usual, a compensation for his services. 

About this period, the office of comptroller was created, and 
on that the patriotic Mr. Spencer fixed his hopes. Mr. Jay, 
however, understood his character, and rejected his application 
with disdain. Mortified and disappointed, instigated by ma- 
lice, fired with resentment, and tempted by the extravagant 
rewards which the republican party offered to federal deserters, 
he, like Armstrong, quitted their camp and became a zealous 
supporter of the men he had lately persecuted. By them, to 
their shame, he has been cherished. And by the worst combi- 
nation of individual folly, with the perverseness of party spirit, 
he has been hurried through a variety of lucrative and honour- 
able appointments. Without the aid of genius, or a single vir- 
tue, he has been raised to an elevated station, by which the re- 
putation of the republicans has been endangered, their honour 
degraded and betrayed. For what purposes this insult has been 
offered to the dignity of the state, cannot be conjectured ; none 
certainly that can justify this outrage upon the feelings of the 
public. Discerning men, however, anticipate some salutary 
effects from it. For, as in ancient times, vice was rendered 



* I am informed these were his precise words. 

K 



6(5 



odious by exposing its deformity ; so now, it is to be hoped, 
the exhibition of this disgusting monument of iniquity, will 
neutralize vicious spirits, and correct the moral sentiments of 
the people. 

The animosity of an apostate cannot be controled. Savage 
and relentless, he thirsts for vengeance ; every public considera- 
tion is swallowed up in the destructive vortex of private passion 
and revenge. With malignant composure he would view the 
tumbling ruins of his country, if his enemies were crushed be- 
neath them. Such is emphatically the temper of Ambrose 
Spencer, who, after his conversion, was introduced to a seat 
in the legislature, by his new friends, for the express purpose 
of perplexing and persecuting his old ones. This task was 
faithfully performed. With fiend like perseverance he pursued 
his former associates ; he left nothing unessayed to torment the 
party he had betrayed ; grinning with malicious joy at the dis- 
tresses of every victim that came within his grasp. If his op- 
position to the federal party had flown from a conviction of their 
errors, he would have merited applause, as far as it was ho- 
nourably conducted. But being manifestly the result of cor- 
rupt views, and interested motives, he should have been driv- 
en from the society of republicans ; and for the honour of the 
party, appearances justify the hope, that this will soon be done. 
His insolence and pride have been tolerated much longer than 
his detested character or his talents will justify. 

Inflated with, political consequence, and occasionally cloath- 
ed with a little " brief authority," this raving apostate has long 
been insupportably insolent and haughty to his equals. But al- 
ways bearing in mind from whence he sprung, he is ever hum- 
ble and obsequious to his superiors. An inflexible professor 
of virtuous cowardice, he has, with Job-like patience,, submitted 
to chastisement, until his surface has long since become impe- 
netrable to the severest operations of the cow-skin and the cane. 
Pointed at wherever he goes by the finger of scom, tortured 
by the recollection of his crimes, and sinking under the detesta- 
tion of all who know him ; he sometimes exhibits, it is said,, 



er 

symptoms of depression and despair. The black catalogue of 
his vices has occasioned apprehensions of his destiny. 

A presentiment of a future fate is not uncommon ; it is 
sometimes derived from a gloomy and disordered fancy, and 
sometimes generated in a vicious mind, haunted by a conscious* 
ness of guilt. Spencer, like Dr. Dodd, I have heard, is oc- 
casionally tormented with apprehensions of an ignominious 
death ; a gibbet at times floats before his troubled vision, and 
alarms his sullen soul. Prognosticators have pronounced it in* 
dicative of his fate. Some honest men and firm friends to their 
country believe, that if there be justice left on earth, and the ho- 
nour of the state is ever to be vindicated, the prediction will 
certainly be verified ; though I do not. It is not my desire, pre- 
maturely to alarm the feelings of this gentleman, by remarking 
either on the prospect or improbability of this event. I shall 
leave him to be punished by the terrors of conviction, and the 
convulsions of his own bosom. The most hardened criminal 
is not above contrition, and serious reflections may serve to 
|urn him from his ways, and bring him to repent. 

As the reader must by this time be disgusted with the scenes 
of depravity which have been presented to him in the charac- 
ters of De Witt Clinton and Ambrose Spencer, I shall not 
again introduce them to his notice. Particularly as I propose 
presenting to the public a sketch of our political transactions 
during the years 1801 and 1802, in which the conduct of these 
worthy compeers will be more minutely analyzed. As they 
merit the severest reprobation, they shall not be permitted to 
slide out of public notice unchastised. They shall receive the 
same fate, and be linked in infamy together. 

If any thing in the preceding pages should bear the appear* 
ance of undue severity, passion, or invective, the nature of the 
subject must plead my apology. In political controversies, I am 
ready to allow that personalities should be avoided, except in 
extreme cases. Abandoned and heedless profligacy, proceed- 
ing not from the waywardness of the times, but from inherent. 



08 



propensities to mischief, cannot be checked, but by a direct and 
potent application to the very source from which it springs. 
Desperate diseases require violent remedies. In them, no cure 
can be effected without cutting to the bone. Whatever there- 
fore of personality may offend the reader, it will be justified I 
hope, by the provocation which has been given, and the object 
I have in view, which is to correct deep and obstinate evils, and 
if possible whip two hardy offenders into the path of honour. 

I shall now return to the main subject of these pages, and 
briefly examine the allegations which have been urged against 
the vice-president, and the proof by which it has been attempt- 
ed to support them. I shall do this as concisely as possible, 
persuaded that a slight investigation is sufficient to convince 
every candid reader, that the whole transaction has originated 
in a premeditated plan to ruin at all events the reputation of 
Mr. Burr. In some parts of the voluminous publications 
which have appeared upon the subject, we find bold assertions 
without a particle of proof to support them ; in others insidious 
insinuations, calculated to mislead the judgment of the reader, 
premises arbitrarily assumed, and conclusions drawn from them 
still more arbitrary and false. We are every where urged to 
accept the simple ipse dixit of an unknown author, as indubita- 
ble testimony of the truth of what he states. Thus, contrary 
to the just and legal maxim, that every man is to be deemed 
innocent until he is proved otherwise, contrary to every rule of 
right reasoning, and fair argument, the second officer in the 
government is to be pronounced guilty of dishonourable con- 
duct, and robbed of his fame upon the bare suggestion of an 
anonymous writer. 

The real authors * of these productions, though known, 
have never dared to avow their names ; they acted a more deep 
and subtle part. At first they contented themselves with pre- 
paring the credulity of the public by vague surmises, for the 
reception of the calumnies that were to follow. When these 

* Be Witt Clinton, aided by Samuel Osgood. 



69 



appeared, they for a while affected ignorance of their source, 
but expressed violent suspicions that there was cause for alarm, 
which soon terminated in a conviction that Mr. Burr had aban- 
doned the principles he professed, had betrayed his party, and 
that as patriots they were bound to aid in the destruction of a 
man who had become dangerous to the liberties of their beloved 
country. The tocsin of alarm was sounded. Mr. Burr's guilt 
was proclaimed far and wide, while he was at a distance from 
the scene of action, and unable even by a denial to check the 
progress of his defamation. Thousands were deceived by these 
artifices. They did not know what ingenious preparations had 
been made. They did not know that all the printers in the 
state who were either directly, or indirectly, under the influence 
of the government, had been previously engaged to circulate 
the slanders which were originated in New- York ; that the 
most personal and abusive manuscripts were prepared in this 
city and sent to country editors, to be published either as com-* 
munications or editorial "remarks ; and that what appeared to 
them, the expression of the public sentiment, was nothing but 
the effect of pre-concert, and an artful combination among the 
personal enemies of Mr. Burr. When Mr. Burr was nomi- 
nated to the vice-presidency, the government of the state, by 
his own aid and exertions, was placed in the hands of his ene- 
mies, who converted it into an engine to effect his ruin. The 
pamphlets in which he was calumniated, were circulated under 
the patronage of the officers of the government, and conveyed 
by every possible channel into the remotest corners of the state. 

Thus aided, the author of The View, advantageously com- 
menced his attack on the vice-president, and has since continu- 
ed his labours. These it is believed will be more properly ap- 
preciated, after his productions shall have been analyzed. I 
shall resume the examination of The View, &c. where I left it. 

In the 43d page of that production is the following para- 
graph. 

" The moment he (Mr. Burr) was nominated, he put into 
operation a most extensive, complicated, and wicked system of in- 



70 

trigue, to place himself in the presidential chair. He set to work 
all his inventive powers, and in some instances, employed men to 
carry his plans into execution, who neither perceived their nature 
nor extent. In the furtherance of his intrigues, he spared no pains, 
nor was he parsimonious of expense. The expresses kept on foot, 
the men he employed, and the expenses of their various agencies, 
must have cost him a sum little less than one year's salary of his 
office. Mr. Burr seems to have carried on a secret correspondence 
with the federalists from the period of his nomination." 

The facts adduced to support this charge shall be noticed in 
the order in which they occur. 

In the first place it is said that Mr. Burr sent political agents 
to the different states. What were the particular objects with 
which these agents were charged, is not stated. If their ob- 
jects were, to effect the election of Mr. Burr to the presidency, 
it should have been shown that they tampered with the electors 
after they were chosen, and attempted to divert their votes 
from Mr. Jefferson. If this is not done, the assertion that Mr. 
Burr had agents in the different states, if proved, amounts to 
nothing. But unfortunately for the author of The View, &c. 
whenever he is so incautious as to refer to gentlemen by name, 
they disprove and falsify the very charges which it was his ob- 
ject to establish. Mr. Abraham Bishop, he says, was Mr. 
Burr's agent at Lancaster. This gentleman in two publica- 
tions addressed to the editors of the American Citizen, and 
published in their paper, the first on the third, and the other on 
the 19th of August, 1802, explicitly denies that Mr. Burr sent 
him to Lancaster, or that he went there for any purposes per- 
sonally or politically regarding that gentleman. But admit- 
ting for a moment that Mr. Bishop had gone to Pennsylvania 
at the request of Mr. Burr, he could manifestly have had no 
other object in view, than to induce the senate of that state to 
yield to the assembly, and suffer fifteen republican electors to be 
appointed. This indeed is the only object ascribed to him by 

* These publications would have been inserted here, but their length ren- 
ders it necessary to omit them- 



the author of The View, &c. and was it not one, the accom- 
plishment of which was devoutly wished for, by every man who 
felt an interest in the momentous transactions of that day ; in- 
asmuch as it would have effected, beyond the possibility of de- 
feat, the election of the republican candidates for the two first 
offices in the general government. But in that case, says the 
author of The View, &c. " the federalists would have had no 
hopes of success, and Dr. Smith of New-Jersey was secretly to 
have voted for Mr. Burr, and thus made him president of the 
United States." To this insinuation Dr. Smith replied in the 
following manner : 

" Princeton, July 29, 1802. 
" to the editor of the evening post. 
" Sir, 

" In your paper of Monday, July 26, under the article entitled, 
A View of the political conduct of Aaron Burr, Esq, by the author of 
the Narrative, I observe some very gross misrepresentations, which 
I conceive it to be a duty that I owe to Mr. Burr, the New-Jersey 
electors, and myself, to declare to be absolutely false. — Mr. Burr 
never visited me on the subject of the late election for president and 
vice-president — Mr. Burr never conversed with me a single second 
on the subject of that election, either before or since the event. No 
project or plan of the kind mentioned in that paper was proposed or 
hinted at among the electors of New-Jersey* I am assured that 
Mr. Burr held no intrigue with them, on that occasion, either col- 
lectively or individually. They were men above intrigue ; and I do 
not know that he was disposed to use it. At their meeting, they 
unanimously declared that a fair and manly vote according to their 
sentiments, was the only conduct which was worthy of their own cha- 
racters, or of their cause. 

" SAML. S. SMITH." 

Here then fails every thing that has been asserted, relative ta 
the New-Jersey electors. Dr. Smith's integrity is unassailable ; 
his public and deliberate assertion, I trust, will not be question- 
ed. From this it manifestly appears, that the electors of New- > 
Jersey were not to have voted for Mr. Burr in any possible 
case, and that he never attempted to influence their conduct up- 
on that occasion. If Mr. Burr had even attempted to throw 



72 



the whole weight of Pennsylvania into the republican scale, he 
would have been perfectly justifiable, and merited the approba- 
tion of the party. But every thing which has been insinuated 
against the vice-president with regard to his interference with 
the proceedings of that state, and his intrigues with the New- 
Jersey electors, has been fully and decisively denied by Mr. 
Bishop and Dr. Smith. 

This charge, therefore, against Mr. Burr must be abandon- 
ed, not only as unsupported, but disproved. 

It is urged with a zeal bordering on madness, that from the 
moment of Mr. Burr's nomination to the vice-presidency, he 
exerted all his talents and ingenuity to obtain an equality of votes 
with Mr. Jefferson. It is not even pretended that he attempt- 
ed to influence a single elector to drop Mr. Jefferson, which 
would have secured to him the chief magistracy of the United 
States. This obvious mode of accomplishing his designs, any 
one who was not an idiot, would certainly have adopted. Can 
the monstrous absurdity be for a moment believed, that a man 
of Mr* Burr's discernment, actuated by the ambitious feelings 
acribed to him, would hazard a reliance on the remote proba- 
bility of influencing a majority of representatives from three 
states in congress, rather than attempt to bring a solitary elec- 
tor into his views ? This can certainly never be presumed ; es- 
pecially as it is well known in this state, that two or three at 
least, of the electors would have dropped Mr. Jefferson, if Mr. 
Burr had expressed a wish to that effect. Let it be therefore 
shown that Mr. Burr intrigued with some of the electors ; that 
he attempted to divert their suffrages from Mr. Jefferson, and 
the controversy with him, is at an end. But no, this attempt 
the political enemies of Mr. Burr dare not make. This plain 
and simple conduct cannot further their designs. To assist 
their purposes they must torture the plainest language, the most 
immaterial circumstances into presumptive testimony, to create 
a suspicion that Mr. Burr wished to be president of the United 
States. Like able conjurers, they envelope the enchanted wit- 
nesses of their machinations in a cloud of mysterious nonsense, 



and agitate their affrighted imaginations, until convulsed with 
terror, they see spectres at their elbows, and monsters at every 
step threatening them with ruin. The ears of the community 
must be awakened, suspicion, which they know is next to ruin, 
must be attached to the character of Mr. t Burr, or their pre- 
tended pj-oofs can produce no impression. Like the drunken 
and maniacal revolutionists of France, they first utter impreca- 
tions against their victim, and tear up his reputation by the 
roots, then scatter falsehoods in the shape of accusations, and 
call it proof. Let the elector, who at the late election, was 
asked to withhold his vote from Mr. Jefferson be named, and 
then their assertions will be worthy of attention. 

While on this subject, it may not be improper to notice 
some insinuations which are scattered throughout the publica- 
tions that have appeared against Mr. Burr, relative to his con- 
duct in this state. They are intended to excite a suspicion that 
some understanding existed between Mr. Burr and one of the 
electors. To justify this suspicion, Cheetham, in his seventh 
letter to Mr. Burr, states, that Mr. Lispenard in a conversation 
at Hudson, subsequent to the day on which the electors had 
given their suffrages, said, " that if he had supposed, that Mr. 
Jefferson and Mr. Burr would have had an equal number of 
votes, he would have dropped Mr. Jefferson." * Whether this 
statement is true or not, I shall not inquire. If correct, it is 
conclusive evidence of $the rectitude of Mr. Burr's conduct. It 
is allowed that Mr. Lispenard is a very intimate and personal 
friend of Mr. Burr ; if therefore, he had entertained any de- 
sign of supplanting Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Lispenard would cer- 
tainly have been the first elector to whom his wishes would have 
been disclosed. Agreeably to Cheetham's statement, if 
Mr. Lispenard had been informed that there would probably 
be an equality of votes between the two candidates, he would 
have dropped Mr. Jefferson. It follows then, that the pros- 
pect of such an event was never suggested to Mr. Lispenard, 

* See pamphlet containing nine letters of James Cheetham to Aaron Burr, 
page 30. 

L 



and that no desire was ever expressed, that Mr. Burr alone 
should be voted for. According, therefore, to every rational 
deduction, it must be evident to the reader, that nothing like 
intrigue was attempted with the electors of this state. This is 
a position which, however indubitable it may be, is in itself un- 
susceptible of proof. It is sufficient that the vague assertions on 
this subject, are not warranted by any testimony which has ap- 
peared. The authors, therefore, of the calumnies against the 
vice-president are set at defiance, and solicited to reduce their 
idle surmises to specific charges, and to prove them* Con- 
scious that Mr. Burr's conduct relative to the choice of elec- 
tors Was uniformly unexceptionable, and that no attempts were 
made to restrain or counteract the voluntary expression of their 
sentiments in the choice of a president, the enemies of Mr. 
Burr have wisely abandoned this ground, and insist that his in- 
genuity was steadily exerted to obtain an equality of votes with 
Mr. Jefferson. 

As they have determined to ascribe this course to Mr. Burr, 
k will be well to examine what circumstances are relied on to 
bear them out. Though this position, by the perseverance of 
the federal minority in congress, and a variety of other circum* 
stances, has been rendered more advantageous to the iniquitous 
projects of a few ambitious men, and to the progress of well 
arranged and preconcerted calumnies, still upon a fair investi- 
gation it will certainly prove equally untenable. 

First, it is stated that in order to induce the southern states 
to give the two candidates an equal number of votes, it was re- 
ported by the friends of Mr. Burr, that in Rhode-Island, Mr. 
Jefferson would have one or two votes, and Mr. Burr none j 
thus to dissipate southern jealousy, and prevent a diversion in 
their votes* 

That a report of this kind prevailed is certainly true, but 
that it originated in dishonourable motives, is notoriously false. 
My knowledge of the circumstances on which it was founded, 
©nables me to make this declaration. It is asserted as a fac£y 



75 

which dare not be denied, that the governor of Rhode-Island, 
who expected to have been one of the electors, told Col. Wil- 
lett, the revolutionary officer alluded to in The View,* as well 
as others, that he would vote for Mr. Jefferson, but not for Mr. 
Burr, and also that he had declared this to Mr. Burr himself, 
who he said, approved of his intentions. Col. Willet wrote 
this to several of his friends, which gave rise to the report in 
question, and on what better foundation could it rest ? It is cer- 
tainly sufficient to exonerate those who repeated it from impro- 
per views. Whether it had any influence in determining the 
conduct of the electors in the southern states is not known, nor 
is it material. But according to The View, Mr. Burr was de- 
termined at all events not to have a greater, but an equal num- 
ber of votes with Mr. Jefferson. For this purpose, it is said, 
** the Rhode-Island report was circulated, and the better to en- 
force its truth and insure success to this favourite object, Mr. 
T. Green was sent to Columbia, and corresponded with the 
^vice-president on the subject of the then approaching election, 
under cover to Mr. Swartwout." To this charge these gentle- 
jnen reply in the following manner : 

« Mw-York, October 11, l%0% 

" MESSRS. DENNISTON & CHEETHAM, 

" In the American Citizen of this day, you have made a publication, 
to which you have affixed your names. In this you have stated, 1st, 
That Timothy Green, of this city, was dispatched as an agent to 
Columbia, the seat of government of the State of South-Carolina* 
by the vice-president. 2dly, That he was the eulogist and interces- 
sor for the vice-president. Sdly, That he sent the vice-president 
dispatches regularly, addressed to Mr. John Swartwout of this city, 
under cover, 

" Now, as you have been most egregiously imposed upon by some 
disorganizing persons, it is your duty, and mine, that the public be 
immediately furnished with both what were and what were not my 
inducements and motives, in making a journey in November 1 800, 
to Columbia, and of my conduct while there. For this purpose. 



*' See View, page4r. 



you will please to insert in your paper of to-morrow, the following 
corrections to your statement : 

" 1st, I aver, that I never went on any message of a political 
nature to Columbia, in South Carolina, or to any other place, for 
the vice-president, or any other person ; neither was I ever request- 
ed or desired by the vice-president, or by any other person, to go to 
Columbia, in South Carolina, or any other place, on any political or 
electioneering mission, of any name or nature whatsoever. On the 
contrary, my journey to Columbia, in South Carolina, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred, and my engagements un-. 
til my return in 1801 , was wholly unsolicited by any person (except 
my debtors in South Carolina ;) and were solely of a commercial na- 
ture, and for which I had been preparing eight months before. 

" 2dly, That I never wrote a letter to the vice-president of a po- 
litical nature ; neither did I write him any information relative to the 
presidential election in South Carolina, neither did I ever enclose a 
letter, directed to the vice-president, in a letter or cover directed to 
Mr. John Swartwout. 

Ct Sdly, That my letters to Mr. Swartwout while in South Caro- 
lina were unsolicited, and written solely with the motive to relieve 
the minds of my friends from the anxiety necessarily attendant on a 
state of suspense, while an important event is hourly expected to 
take place. 

" 4thly, That I never was in the habit of eulogising public men, 
neither did I vary from my usual manners while in South Carolina. 
I had no occasion to intercede for the election of Col - Burr : all the 
fear I had while there, was lest a compromise might take place, as 
the political parties were nearly balanced in the state legislature. 
This I did, as far as in my power, conscientiously endeavour to pre- 
vent ; knowing that if union and good faith were not inviolably pre- 
served among the constitutional republicans, our past, present, and 
future exertions would be entirely unavailing. 

« TIMOTHY GREEN." 

The information contained in this letter, explicit as it is, is 
confirmed and corroborated by the following one of Mr. Swart- 
wout : 



77 



a FOR THE AMERICAN CITIZEN. 

" Messrs. Denniston Sc Cheetham, 
" In your seventh letter addressed to Aaron Burr, Esq. vice-pre- 
sident of the United States, published in the American Citizen of the 
1 1th instant, I notice the following paragraph , viz. 

" Meantime, sir, you had your eye on South-Carolina ; you dis- 
patched an agent, Mr. Timothy Green of this city, to Columbia, 
the seat of government of that state. It was questionable whether 
South-Carolina would give you a single vote. At that period you 
were scarcely known in the state. Mr. Green was at Columbia at 
least two months. He was your eulogist ; your intercessor ; he sent 
you dispatches regularly ; they were addressed to Mr. John Swart- 
wout of this city, under cover, and by him communicated to you." 

" You will please to inform the public, through the medium of 
your paper, that the above paragraph, so far as relates to my receiv- 
ing letters under cover, or communications from Mr. Timothy 
Green for Aaron Burr, is utterly destitute of truth. 

« JNO. SWARTWOUT. 

"New-York, October 13, 1802." 

By this time I think the reader must be convinced that Mr. 
Burr never attempted to influence the suffrages of any of the 
electors, or to withhold a single vote from Mr. Jefferson, and 
that the equality of votes between them, was purely the result 
of accident and good faith. This clearly appears from the view 
which has been taken of the subject thus far, and the total want 
©f testimony to justify the insinuations which have been made. 

I shall now proceed to examine the justice of the censures 
which have been so abundantly and scurrilously lavished upon 
the vice-president, in consequence of his conduct subsequent to 
its being known that he had an equal number of votes with Mr. 
Jefferson. 

It will not be denied, I presume, that in all cases where spe- 
cific charges are made against an individual, the burthen of proof 
rests upon the accusing party. All just rules of investigation, 
demand that he should prove his assertions. It never can be 



78 



expected that the other should prove a negative position ; that he 
should prove his innocence^ which is almost universally imprac- 
ticable. Nor ought those whose province it is to decide upon 
the truth or falsehood of any given accusation that involves the 
private and political reputation of an eminent and useful indivi- 
dual, to be satisfied with declarations that more than presumptive 
testimony cannot be adduced. This is peculiarly forbidden by 
the nature of the case under examination. The enemies of the 
vice-president, after reiterating for months, the most injurious 
charges against him, and daily offering to prove them " in a 
court of justice" declaring to individuals and the public, that 
the most indubitable testimony was in their possession, now do 
not blush to allow, in their own publications, that positive proof 
cannot be obtained. Insisting at the same time, that the inge- 
nuity of Mr. Burr, and the intricacy of his character, are such, 
that evidence ought to be accepted inferior to that which would 
be requisite to convict any other man of dishonourable conduct. 
The modesty of these gentlemen, certainly deserves applause. 
That Mr. Burr's character should appear intricate to them, is, 
not singular. The conduct of an honest man is always unac- 
countable in the view of knaves. Driven to this humiliating 
confession, they have no other resource than to attempt, by an 
artful exhibition of circumstances, to justify their suspicions, to 
fix a stigma upon his character, and shield themselves from the 
just indignation of the public. Convinced that the disposition 
of the human mind is prone to suspicion, that it cherishes a 
credulity favourable to the introduction of calumny, and that it 
often catches at the probability of circumstances as a sure and 
substantial ground of faith, incidents the most trivial in their 
nature and accidental in their occurrence, have been conjured 
up to increase the quantity, if not the value of their testimony. 

The country has at length been so deluged with ingenious 
and wicked publications, under the name and in the form of 
evidence, that the people are bewildered by these sophistical ef- 
forts of exasperated enmity. With flagitious levity they have 
been led into the wide field of conjecture, and without a ray of 
light to direct their steps, have been left to wander in the laby* 



79 



iynth prepared to perplex them, until, exhausted with unavail-. 
ing efforts to arrive at truth, they have rested on inferences 
drawn from unsupported assertions, and rejoice to call them 
proofs. In short, rather than continue the labour attendant on 
an accurate investigation into the nature and origin of the con- 
troversy in question, and the manner in which it has been con- 
ducted, a great portion of the people have encouraged the dan- 
gerous influence of first impressions, and yielded to the current 
of abuse, which has been impelled from its source, by the con- 
vulsions of disappointed ambition. If I shall be so fortunate a# 
to dispel diis mental indolence, and awaken an accurate and 
impartial examination into the evidence, which has been pro- 
duced to prejudice the public mind against Mr. Burr, by his 
political opponents, I humbly hope to make manifest their ma- 
lice and his integrity. 

All the indulgence I shall solicit on this occasion, is, that 
those who have commenced the attack on the vice-president, 
shall not be allowed to impeach the credibility of their own 
witnesses. When they refer to persons by name, as having a 
full knowledge of the transactions of which they speak, and call 
on them to support their statements, and these very persons un- 
equivocally deny the truth of their assertions, it is but reasona- 
ble that they should be concluded by their evidence, and not 
be permitted to accuse them of prevarication and falsehood. 
It will easily be perceived that if this privilege is not withheld, 
no controversy can ever be terminated ; for an endless number 
of persons may be referred to, and the period of acquittal be 
protracted beyond the ordinary limits of human existence. It 
is believed that the position here contended for, will be readily 
recognized as just. At all events, the least that can be granted 
is, full credit to those who have favoured the public with any 
communications on this subject, particularly as in point of cha- 
racter they are all superior to those who are opposed to them. 

In examining this part of the charges against Mr. Burr, I 
shall not hazard the imputation of prolixity, as I am persuaded 
it is susceptible of a concise and satisfactory refutation. 



80 



Hitherto I have confined myself to the order in which the 
accusations against the vice-president have been stated in the 
" View of his Political Conduct." But as the nine letters ad- 
dressed to that gentleman by James Cheetham, are most relied 
on by their author, I shall attack him in this his boasted fortress, 
and begin by analyzing his eighth letter. The first seven are 
copied verbatim, from The View just mentioned. 

This elaborate production commences, as usual, with a page 
or two of vague and abusive declamation against the general 
character of Mr. Burr. Then follows the allegation which is 
now to be examined, and Mr. Burr's denial which are as fol- 
lows : 

" Mr. Burr, while in the city of New- York, carried on a nego- 
" ciation with the heads of the federal party at Washington, with a 
" view to his election as president of the United States. A person 
" was authorised by them to confer with him on the subject, who 
" accordingly did so. Mr. Burr assented to the propositions of the 
" negociator, and referred him to his confidental friend to complete 
" the negociation. Mr. Burr stated, that after the first vote taken 
" in the house of representatives, New- York and Tennessee would 
" give in to the federalists." View, p. 57 — 8. 

Mr* Burr's denial of this charge is couched in the succeeding terms : 
- " You are at liberty to declare from me, that all those charges 
" and insinuations which aver or intimate that I advised or coun- 
" tenanced the opposition made to Mr. Jefferson pending the late 
" election and balloting for president ; that I proposed or agreed 
" to any terms with the federal party ; that I assented to be held up 
" in opposition to him, or attempted to withdraw from him the vote 
* or support of any man, whether in or out of congress ; that all 

" SUCH ASSERTIONS AND INTIMATIONS ARE FALSE AND GROUND- 
« LESS." 

Mr. Burr's letter to Governor Bloomjield, 
dated Sept. 21, 1802. 

This denial, explicit and peremptory as it is, coming from 
a man high in office and high in the estimation of the world, 
whose veracity has never been called in question, is entitled to 
great consideration, and full credit, unless the most irresistible 



81 



evidence is produced to prove its fallacy. In it we find nothing 
like evasion. No attempt to elude any charge, but a full and 
fair denial of them all. No ingenious and complicated tales, 
therefore, no vague surmises should be allowed to counteract 
its force. Of these, however, is Cheetham's epistle entirely com- 
posed. Not a particle of direct testimony does it contain. 

The next article in this production that arrests our attention, 
is an anonymous communication, furnished as is said by a gen- 
tleman of unblemished character, and a friend of Mr. Cheetham. 
How far this is compatible, the inhabitants of this city can rea- 
dily decide. It has long ago become impossible for a man to sus- 
tain a fair reputation, and be the companion of James Cheet- 
ham. His intimacy blasts the fairest fame. " His acquaint- 
ance is infamy His society fixes indelible disgrace upon those 
who tolerate his presence. Even those who have goaded him 
on in his career of wickedness and folly, shrink from a saluta- 
tion in the street, and steal to his residence in the silent hours 
of the night, when innocence and virtue seek repose, but when 
the spirits of the vicious are most turbulent and active. 

The communication in question is certainly too trifling to 
excite any other emotion than that of contempt for its author. 
But as it has be en given to the public with an air of importance 
and mystery, it may be well perhaps to give it a few moments 
consideration. It begins thus : 

" June 25, 1802. 
" Dr. Linn and the Reverend Mr. Abeel of this city told me, in 
a conversation I had with them, that they believed Aaron Burr had 
corresponded with federal members of congress to get himself elected 
president of the United States, and that he had agreed to come into 
their measure." 

These gentlemen may have believed what they are here made 
to say. But if in the sequel it should appear that their impres- 
sions were received from vague report, derived from whispers 
and surmises floating in the circles of Mr. Burr's political ene- 

M 



82 



mies, their belief on this occasion will certainly be of little mo- 
ment. From the very communication before us, it clearly ap- 
pears that they had no specific information to support their opi- 
nions. 

This is evident ; for when this obliging communicator first 
conversed with these reverend gentlemen, they believed that 
Mr. Burr had corresponded with federal members of congress, 
for the purpose of obtaining the presidency of the United 
States. " Some time after, however," says this honest friend of 
Mr. Cheetham, w I saw Mr. Abeel, and he said that it was a 
mistake that Mr. Burr had corresponded with federal members 
of congress, but he had made a verbal agreement with them, 
and that if I wanted an investigation of the business, the per- 
son was then in town, who would prove the fact." 

And why did not this patriotic gentleman proceed immediately 
to " investigate the business," by a direct application to the 
source from which this report was said to issue I If he had for 
a moment been influenced by public considerations, and not by 
malice or private enmity ; if the good of the community had 
been his object, this assertion of Messrs. Linn and Abeel might 
have been examined, and if true, substantiated in the space of 
a very few days. But no ! conduct thus candid, suited not the 
purposes of Mr.. Burr's political enemies. An equivocal com- 
plexion was first to be given to the political integrity of Mr^ 
Burr. This information was carefully concealed from his 
friends, and privately communicated to Cheetham, who, 
through the medium of his paper, was first to poison the public 
mind, and predispose it to believe all the calumnies that were 
in embryo, and were soon to be given to the world,, for the pur- 
pose of prostrating Mr. Burr's political consequence- The re- 
mainder of this communication is so extremely puerile and irre- 
levant, that it is unworthy of attention- The contemptible 
source from which it is derived forbids every attempt to point 
out the misrepresentations it contains* In this city, where he is. 
known, the author is proverbial for want of veracity and stabili- 
ty of principle- It is well known that he has never told the 



83 



same story twice in succession, and that the reverend gentlemen 
in question have frequently had occasion to restrain his impetuo- 
sity in the cause of Clinton, and forbid any references to them 
for die truth of what he uttered. 

After a few remarks on this communication, much is said 
in the letter under examination, about an application which is 
said to have been made by Mr. Burr to Messrs. Linn and 
Abeel for a certificate, stating, that their information relative to 
Mr. Biur's supposed negociations with the federalists, had 
been derived from " common report." That such an applica- 
tion was ever made by Mr. Burr or any of his friends, is so ut- 
terly false, that even those who know the character of Cheet- 
ham, were astonished at this instance of his audacity . If it 
should be asked why this denial of its truth is not sanctioned 
by the declaration of Messrs. Linn and Abeel, I answer, that 
the circumstances under which I write did not allow an appli- 
cation to them on my part. And above all, that it is not my 
duty to disprove, but Cheetham's to substantiate the truth of 
what he advances. 

I shall now proceed to that part of Cheetham's eighth let- 
ter, which exhibits a more direct but equally impotent attempt 
to prove the charge he has advanced. 

The reader will bear in mind, what Mr. Burr has been 
charged with, to wit, that " he entered into a negociation with 
federal members of congress, to obtain the presidency of the 
United States. That a person being authorized by them to 
confer with Mr. Burr on the subject, he assented to the propo- 
sitions of the negociator, and referred him to his confidential 
friend ; — stating also, that after the first vote was taken in the 
house of representatives, New- York and Tennessee would give 
in to the federalists." 

Though it required uncommon patience and great labour, I 
have most diligently sought for something like proof in this 
eighth letter, to support these bold allegations, but in vain; no- 



84 



thing but vague assertions reward the perseverance of the 
reader. 

All the collateral charges which it contains, have been in- 
vented as auxiliaries to the main accusation, and are totally- 
unsupported* That Mr. Ogden was requested by federal 
gentlemen at Washington, to converse with Mr. Burr on the 
subject of the then approaching election, is undoubtedly 
true ; but what matters it whether he, or a thousand more had 
been thus deputed. Mr. Burr cannot be made responsible for 
the acts of the federal party. He could not control their con- 
duct. The only questions to be determined are, whether Mr. 
Burr accepted any propositions that were offered ? Whether 
he entered into any engagements to administer the govern- 
ment upon principles dictated by the federal party, and in viola- 
tion of his own opinions and judgment ? Or whether he reject- 
ed the advances that were made ? That he did so, fully and 
unequivocally, and even refused to receive their support, ap- 
pears by the following letters : 

« Sir, 

" Though I have not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance 
with you, I flatter myself that the contents of this letter will pre- 
clude the necessity of an apology for addressing you. 

" It has been asserted in various publications that Mr. Burr, 
during the late election for president and vice-president, entered in- 
to negociations and agreed to terms with the federal party, or with 
certain individuals of that party, with a view to advance himself to 
the office of president, to the exclusion of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Burr, 
in a letter to Governor Bloomfield, dated the 21st September last, 
declared that all such allegations were false and groundless ; and the 
charges have been renewed in more recent publications, which point 
to you by name, as the person through whom such negociations were 
carried on and terms concluded. It has now become interesting to 
a great portion of the community to be informed how far these as- 
sertions and charges have been authorized by you, or are warranted 
by your knowledge of facts. 



8J 



" Having received frequent anonymous communications for the 
Morning- Chronicle, relative to these matters, and being unwilling 
to occupy the paper with vague and unsubstantiated conjectures or 
remarks on a subject of such importance, I am induced to apply 
directly to yourself as an authentic source of information. I do this 
with the more confidence, from a persuasion that you can have no 
wish to suffer false reports to circulate under the authority of your 
name, for mere party purposes ; and that, in the actual posture of 
things, you cannot be averse to declare publicly and explicitly your 
agency, if any, in the business. I take the liberty therefore of re- 
questing your written declaration to the points above stated, together 
with any circumstances you may be pleased to communicate, tend- 
ing to establish the truth or falsehood of the charges in question. 

" I have the honour to be, 
" very respectfully, 
u your obed't serv't, 

« P. IRVING. 

"New-York, jYov. 24th, 1802. 
< c David A. Ogden, Esq." 

u New-York, A r ov. 24th, 1802. 

« Sir, 

" Though I did not conceive it to be incumbent upon me, or in 
itself proper, to notice a publication in a newspaper, in which my 
name was used without my permission or knowledge, yet I have no 
objection to reply to an inquiry which comes in the shape of that 
contained in your letter, and from a person of your standing in so- 
ciety. 

" I declare that my journey to the city of Washington, in the 
year 1 800, was purely on private business, and without any under- 
standing or concert whatever with Col. Burr, whom I met at the 
stage-office on his way to Trenton, not having had before the least 
intimation of such a meeting ; and that I was not then, or at any 
time, charged by him with any commission or errand of a political 
nature, In the course of our journey no political conversation took 
place but of a general nature, and in the presence of the passengers. 

" When about to return ftom the city of Washington, two or 
three members of congress, of the federal party, spoke to me about 
their views as to the election of president, desiring me to converse 



86 



with Col. Burr on the subject, and to ascertain whether he would 
enter into terms. On my return to New- York I called on Col. Burr, 
and communicated the above to him. He explicitly declined the ex- 
planation, and did neither propose nor agree to any terms. I had 
no other interview or communication with him on the subject, and 
so little was I satisfied with this, that in a letter which I soon after- 
wards wrote to a member of congress, and which was the only one I 
wrote, I dissuaded from giving support to Col. Burr, and advised 
rather to acquiesce in the election of Mr. Jefferson, as the less dan- 
gerous man of the two, to that cause with which I believed the public 
interest to be inseparably connected. 

< £ There are no facts within my knowledge tending to establish 
the truth of the charges specified in your letter. 

" With due respect, 

" I am, sir, your obed't serv't, 
« DAVID A. OGDEN. 

" Dr. P. Irving." 

Here then, is a complete acquittal of Mr. Burr. Iiis con- 
duct upon the occasion, if Mr. Ogden is to be believed, was 
not merely correct, but highly honourable to himself. From 
the unreserved language of Mr. Ogden's letter, it was rational 
to expect that its publication would have terminated the con- 
troversy with Mr. Burr, and convinced every impartial man 
that he had been basely calumniated by an ambitious, corrupt, 
and self-interested faction ; whose members, to raise them- 
selves into consequence and power, have by violence and false- 
hood attempted to blast the reputation of the most faithful and 
indefatigable republicans in the state. Previous to its appear- 
ance, the community, with great justice declared, that Mr. Og- 
den's statement on this subject, would establish the truth or 
falsehood of the charges advanced by the enemies of Mr. Burr. 
They were determined to rest the decision of the controversy 
on the contents of his communication, whatever they might be, 
and viewed him now as the only remaining source from which 
authentic information could be derived. Aware of the impor- 
tance of Mr. Ogden's disavowal or recognition of the truth of 
their assertions, the editor of the American Citizen and his co- 



87 



adjutors, adopted every mode their ingenuity could devise, to 
induce him to remain silent. They alternately flattered and 
menaced him in their paper. They declared to the world, that 
if he denied the correctness of their charges, they would 
prove him to be a man destitute of veracity ; and implored him, 
if he valued his reputation, to abstain from all interference in 
the present controversy. Regardless, however, of their threats 
and impotent denunciations, having no object in view but a true 
elucidation of the transaction in which he was concerned, Mr. 
Ogden, when addressed by Dr. Irving, gave the public a con- 
cise, but correct and explicit detail of the circumstances that 
occurred in his interview with Colonel Burr. And I defy the 
most fastidious casuist to point out any thing that occurred on 
this occasion, either exceptionable, equivocal, or suspicious. 
Mr. Ogden states expressly, " That his journey to Washington 
was purely on private business, without the least concert or un- 
derstanding with Colonel Burr, whom he met accidentally at 
the stage-office, on his way to Trenton ; that he was not then 
charged with any errand or commission of a political nature ; 
that while at W ashington, he was desired by some federal gen- 
tlemen to converse with Mr. Burr on the subject of the elec- 
tion for president j that when he returned to New- York, he did 
call on Mr. Burr as requested." Thus far it will be conceded 
I trust, that no censure could possibly attach to Mr. Burr. 
What answer then did CoL Burr retum-to Mr. Ogden's propo- 
sition ? He states without hesitation, " that Mr. Burr explicit- 
ly declined any explanation upon the subject, and did neither 
propose nor agree to any terms." How then, I ask, in the 
name of justice and reason, has Mr. Burr been faithless to his 
party ? That he was thus explicit in his answers to Mr Ogden, 
appears from the succeeding part of that gentleman's letter, in 
which he says, w that he was so little satisfied after his inter* 
view with Col. Burr, that he wrote to Washington dissuading 
the federalists from supporting Mr. Burr." That he did write 
thus is known to be a fact, independent of Mr. Ogden's asser- 
tion, and shows most conclusively, that all his advances were 
totally rejected. 



88 



The concluding sentence of Mr. Ogden's letter states most 
clearly, that he knows of no circumstances, tending to establish 
the truth of the charges exhibited against Mr. Burr. 

Thus is demolished the huge mass of incoherent matter 
which ingenuity, wickedness, and falsehood, had collected to 
oppose the progress of Mr. Burr's political elevation. Defeat- 
ed in every point which was susceptible of elucidation, minds 
influenced by ordinary malice, would have been satisfied with 
the distraction which had been every where produced, and aban- 
doned the prosecution of their nefarious designs. But the ca- 
lumniators of Mr. Burr, tortured by a deadly malignity that 
set all public considerations at defiance, inflamed with the bright 
prospect of prostrating every local enemy, and rioting in the 
ruins of their fame, disdained the inglorious shackles of con- 
viction, and unceasingly reiterated refuted falsehoods and 
exploded aspersions. They boldly accused Mr. Ogden of false- 
hood, and hoped for momentary safety from this last and shame- 
ful w refuge of defeated argument." His unblemished cha- 
racter too they hoped would be withered by their pestiferous 
approach. Those who are acquainted with that gentleman can 
justly appreciate these scurrilous insinuations against his vera- 
city. But for the satisfaction of those to whom it is unknown, 
it will be proper to examine the reasons they assign for having 
accused him of dishonourable evasion in his letter to Dr. Ir- 
ving. 

Why, say they, did Mr. Burr refer Mr. Ogden to his con- 
fidential friend, if he had no design to encourage the federalists 
in their opposition to Mr. Jefferson's election ? Before this 
question was asked, it would have been prudent for them to 
have ascertained whether Mr. Ogden was referred to any person 
as the friend of Mr. Burr. Had they observed a little caution, 
they might have derived some advantage from concealing the 
name of this supposed confidential friend. But with their usual 
imprudence they declare that Mr. Edward Livingston was the 
person who was in possession of Mr. Burr's secret and confi- 
dence on this occasion, and was to co-operate in raising him to 



89 



the presidency. By this act of indiscretion, they have defeat- 
ed their purposes, and enabled me to prove the falsehood of their 
assertions by the following letter, which will be found in the 
Morning Chronicle of the 28th April, 1803. 

« Sir, 

" In consequence of certain insinuations lately circulated, I think 
it proper to declare, that you did not in any verbal or written com- 
munication to me, during the late presidential election, express any 
sentiment inconsistent with those contained in your letter to General 
Smith, which was published, or evincing any desire that the vote of 
the state should be transferred from Mr. Jefferson to yourself. 

" I am, very respectfully, 

your most obed't serv't, , 
(Signed) « E WD. LIVINGSTON. 

" The Vice-President of the U. S." 

Again it is asked, why Mr. Burr declared that New- York 
and Tennessee, on a second ballot, would yield to the federal- 
ists ? To this I answer, that not a shadow of testimony has been 
adduced to prove that Mr. Burr ever made that declaration. It 
is peremptorily denied that he ever uttered such an insinuation. 

Thus then the main accusation against Mr. Burr, instead of 
being substantiated by those who preferred it, has been com- 
pletely disproved by positive and unimpeachable evidence ; such 
evidence as the most captious and incredulous mind cannot re- 
sist, and such as bids defiance to the efforts of sophistry and 
malice. 

So feeble are the grounds on which it has been attempted to 
sustain the charges against Mr. Burr, that even his enemies 
have formally and publicly declared the impossibility of sup- 
porting them by positive proof. Mr. Burr's ingenuity, say 
they, is such, that wherever he is a party, circumstantial evi- 
dence should be deemed sufficient. This is assuredly the most 
impudent attempt to influence the decision of an important pub- 
lic question, ever exhibited in this country. It may be conge- 
nial with the spirit of the corrupt governments of Europe, or 

N 



90 

the sanguinary maxim of eastern despotism j but can never be 
tolerated in a country were not only the persons and property, 
but the reputation of individuals, are protected by the equitable 
spirit of mild and impartial laws. 

The good sense of the community renders it unnecessary to 
dwell on the meanness and injustice of these pitiful artifices ; and 
lest it may be said that any part of the works under examination, 
have been left unnoticed, I shall proceed to answer the remain- 
der, being what the calumniators of Mr. Burr call their circum- 
stantial evidence. 

During the controversy with Mr. Burr, much reliance has 
been placed on the contents of a letter, said to have been writ- 
ten at Washington, and dated the 29th of January, 1801. 

. The whole tenour of this letter, the time when, and the sin- 
gular circumstances under which it was communicated to the 
public, forcibly indicate that it was the result of preconcert and 
collusion between those who have produced it, and was written 
long after the day it bears date. It is a perfect echo of the ob- 
servations and charges contained in The View, &c. and if writ- 
ten at the period alleged, why was it not communicated in that 
publication ? Is it probable that the enemies of Mr* Burr would 
have withheld any document which could bear, however re- 
motely, on a charge which it was their whole design to esta- 
blish? 

The information contained in the letter I am alluding to, is 
said by Cheetham (no matter how correctly) to have been com- 
municated to Washington by Gen. Hamilton. It is perfectly 
immaterial whether it was derived from a federal or democratic 
opponent of Mr. Burr. The only question to be determined, 
is, whether he was authorized thus to write I That he was not, 
is clearly shown by the preceding testimony which I have no- 
ticed, from which it undeniably appears that the contents of 
this letter are untrue. What motives may have influenced the 
writer of that communication, I shall not undertake to deter* 



m 



mine. But it is as unjust as impossible that Mr. Burr should 
be made responsible for what different individuals please to write 
concerning him. All that can be required of him, is, to show 
that their assertions are not founded in truth. This has been 
amply done by the satisfactory declarations of Mr. Ogden, on 
whom Cheetham himself relied for final proof. What can be 
more absurd, than that Mr Hamilton should have co-operated 
with Mr. Ogden, or the federal party on this occasion, as it is a 
well known fact, that he uniformly and strenuously opposed the 
election of Mr. Burr to the presidency, which I am prepared 
to prove. 

The solemn and formal manner in which it is stated, that 
Mr. Ogden was commissioned by the federal gentlemen at 
Washington to treat with Mr. Burr, is done to give the whole 
transaction a greater appearance of probability, and the more 
readily to prejudice the opinions of the people. It is evident 
from Mr. Ogden's solemn declaration, that he did not go to 
Washington to obtain this authority, but that he was led there 
by private business exclusively ; and that before his departure, he 
was requested to procure an interview with Mr. Burr, and as- 
certain whether he would enter into the views of the federal 
party. That he would not enter into their views is unequivo- 
cally shown from Mr. Ogden's letter and conduct — He imme- 
diately wrote, as he himself declares, to Washington, dissuad- 
ing the federal party from supporting Mr. Burr. And why ? 
The conclusion is irresistible : Because Mr. Burr would not 
come into their measures. I ask with confidence any reason- 
able man whether Mr. Ogden would have thus written, if he 
had not completely failed in his undertaking ? If Col. Burr had 
not rejected the proffered terms, if he had not decisively refus- 
ed to aid the federalists in their attempts to make him president, 
would the very man who had undertaken to treat with him, 
have departed from the propositions he himself had made ? Of 
what consequence then are the letters which Mr. Hamilton or 
any other gentlemen may have written ? I believe every friend 
of candid discussion and fair argument, will assent to the pro- 
priety of rejecting all this irrelevant and incidental matter, and 
be governed in their judgments by information which is authen- 



tic, and can be relied on. This is the only mode in which he 
can arrive at truth. 

The next subject which is raised for discussion in this 
tc eighth letter," is the conduct of W. P. Van Ness, who it is 
said in his correspondence with the late mayor of this city, 
then its representative in congress, attempted to influence his 
suffrage in the choice of a president. This gentleman, from 
motives too evident to be mistaken, has frequently been the sub- 
ject of the most virulent abuse. But as the persons from whom it 
is known to emanate have long been the objects of public con- 
tempt, and of individual abhorrence, their invectives can neither 
excite uneasiness, nor attach dishonour. Whether he wrote the 
letters attributed to him, I am unable to decide ; nor is it ma- 
terial to his justification, nor necessary to establish the innocence 
of Mr. Burr. But for the present and for the sake of argument, 
I shall allow Cheetham the full benefit of his assertion. 

It is said, that the letter to Mr. Livingston advised him, af- 
ter the first or second ballot in the house, to abandon Mr. Jef- 
ferson and vote for Mr. Burr ; stating also, that this was the 
prevailing wish of the republicans at Albany. The last asser- 
tion was true, to an extent that warranted the expression, and 
the first can be justified upon principle. 

It is well known that the constitution of the United States, 
provides no mode for designating at a presidential election, 
what candidates are intended for the first or second office in the 
government. That in case more than one should have a majo- 
rity of all the votes given, and also an equal number, that the 
house of representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, 
one of them for president. Hence it evidently follows, that in 
such a conjuncture, the people, in their popular capacity, lose 
all further control over the election. Their right to elect a 
president is lapsed, and instantly vests in the house of represen- 
tatives. To them is transferred the sole and exclusive right, 
of giving a chief magistrate to the union. They then quoad 
that transaction, do not act in the capacity of representatives of 



93 



the people, but as a tribunal designated by the constitution un» 
der given circumstances, to perform a specific object, foreign to 
their ordinary duties. Every member of that tribunal is ab- 
solved from any previous impulse he may have received, and 
at full liberty to pursue the dictates of his own judgment in 
choosing a chief magistrate. When two candidates are pre- 
sented for his choice, he is not to inquire who was intended for 
the executive office, but which is most proper to fill that exalt- 
ed station, and whose administration will probably be produc- 
tive of the greatest public good. These considerations alone 
should govern his decision. By him the election is to be con- 
sidered in an incipient state, totally abstracted from the influence 
of all previous transactions. Should he suffer himself to be in- 
fluenced by extrinsic considerations, and pursue what was stat- 
ed, whether correctly or not, to be the public opinion ; if in vio- 
lation of his own conviction, in direct hostility to his own con- 
science, he should raise, by his own voice, a man to the presi- 
dential chair, through whose incapacity and injudicious admi- 
nistration of the government, his country should be involved in 
a train of evils, that should terminate in its ruin, how could he 
justify it to his God, to his conscience, or the world ? It would 
be directly contrary to all justifiable rules of moral conduct ; 
and that policy which is at war with moral justice, rarely ad- 
vance s the substantial happiness of a nation. 

That in his decision he had pursued the public voice, would 
be no justification. The sentiments of the people are certainly 
entitled to respect when they can be fairly and fully ascertain- 
ed : but the noise of a faction is too often mistaken for the pub- 
lic voice. Though a majority of the people are always honest 
in their views, still they are liable to imposition, and through 
want of correct information, often err. The doctrine of the in- 
fallibility of the people is not verified by experience. It is a spe- 
cies of cant, by which the most flagrant proceedings are often 
pursued and justified. The political dogma, that the people 
can do no zvrong,\ is as absurd, when applied to the popular so- 
vereign of America, as to the hereditary monarch of England. 
That the people are politically omnipotent, is true, but that they 



94 



have a moral right to will their own destruction, is preposte- 
rous, and could never have originated, but in the heated brain 
of a maniac. Whenever the people, through want of correct 
information, the artifices of designing men, or the prevailing 
delusions of the times, warmed by passion, and enlivened by- 
collision, are urging measures in direct hostility to the solid in- 
terests of the country, it behoves good men to oppose the heed- 
less torrent, and save their fair inheritance from desolation. 

These observations will doubtless appear to every reader un- 
necessary, because self-evident ; and I certainly should not have 
made them, had not the iniquity and treachery of opposing a 
majority of the people, been painted in glowing colours, and 
stared us in the face from every page of the publications 
against Mr. Burr. Fortunately, the very men who profess so 
much sensibility and solicitude on this subject, are the last who 
should have introduced it. How, it may be asked, was the ad- 
ministration of the government transferred from federal to re- 
publican hands, but by a systematic opposition to the prevailing 
party, by unceasing exertions to expose the errors of a majori- 
ty of the people ; and, with due deference to their majesty be it 
spoken, I am not yet prepared to subscribe to their infallibility, 
notwithstanding the industry of the wise men who have lately 
been imported, and their affectionate efforts to enlighten them. 

If therefore, Mr. Livingston had been duly impressed with 
the rectitude of his views and intentions, he would have been 
perfecdy justifiable in transferring his vote from Mr. Jefferson 
to Mr. Burr, and Mr. Van Ness in urging that measure. 

But it is said that Mr. Jefferson was intended for the presi- 
dency by the party, to which Mr. Van Ness was attached, and 
their wishes he was bound not to counteract. This is a posi- 
tion weaker and far more dangerous than the first. That a 
man is bound to pursue indiscriminately the measures of his 
party, however unjust in themselves, or dangerous to the com- 
munity, is a doctrine not novel in this country, but not the less 
alarming. That in defiance of his own conviction he should be 



95 



driven by an exasperated party, to the support of measures 
which he deems hostile to the prosperity and happiness of the 
nation, supposes too outrageous an attack on mental indepen- 
dence, to be tolerated for a moment. If Mr. Van Ness dif- 
fered in opinion on this occasion from his party, who can doubt 
that he was correct in attempting to give effect to his senti- 
ments ? In a country where there are no tyrannical rules to re- 
strain, nor bloody inquisition to punish the freedom of opinion, 
men are accustomed to triumph in the uncontroled expression 
of their sentiments, and will think differently. If he deemed 
the political talents of Mr. Burr, superior to those of Mr. Jef- 
ferson, and that the government would derive a vigour and dig- 
nity from his administration, which the indecision of Mr. Jef- 
ferson's character could not give it, he was certainly not singu- 
lar. The same sentiments may be traced to many of the best 
republicans in the country ; and as it is exclusively a matter of 
opinion, which is to be referred to the judgment of individuals, 
who will presume to criminate or proscribe those who profess 
it ? It is not within my design at present to draw a compari- 
son between the characters of those gentlemen, nor shall I ever 
arraign the integrity of those who may differ from me on the 
subject. It is a speculative opinion, unconnected with prin- 
ciple. 

If there existed the most remote obligation to adhere to Mr. 
Jefferson as the candidate of a party, it certainly ceased after 
he had received their fair support throughout the United States, 
and had been rejected by the house of representatives. Upon 
that rejection every incidental obligation that could have arisen 
from party considerations was dissolved, and the two candi- 
dates assumed a new and distinct character. There is nothing 
novel in this opinion. That it prevailed at Albany is unques- 
tionably true. It was prevalent among those, who were there 
deemed leading and conspicuous men. They openly contended 
that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr were presented to the house 
of representative upon equal grounds, with equal claims, and 
expressed a strong desire that Mr. Burr should be chosen. 
There were many at that time loud and bold enough, in their 



96 



professionsof similar sentiments, but who now dare not support 
them, because they are deterred by the rod, which is suspended 
over them, by factious calumniators and governmental agents. 

It will be perceived, that the remarks which have been made 
on Mr. Van Ness's letter to Mr. Edward Livingston, are equal- 
ly applicable to those which are said by William S. Pennington 
to have been written to a gentlemen in Poughkeepsie. The 
letter of this Pennington to Denniston and Cheetham, and his 
conduct during the late presidential election, exhibits a com- 
pound of folly, hypocrisy, vanity, and villainy, which have been 
rarely equalled, and I believe never proclaimed to the world, 
by the very man in whom these qualities are so eminently unit- 
ed. A man who, after wandering for years from state to state, 
and from one village to another, without talents to procure a 
subsistence ; an itinerant pugilist, who, if known at all, has ever 
been indebted for his fame to his talents for defamation ; who 
has stained the records of the county in which he lived, and 
the books of every attorney within reach of him, with prosecu- 
tions for assaults, batteries, and slanders ; and whose veracity 
where he was known, has ever been insufficient to give credit 
to the most ordinary tale, is certainly not a suitable person to 
calumniate and proscribe men, whose reputations are unspotted, 
and whose patriotism cannot be questioned. This William S. 
Pennington, whom Denniston and Cheetham, no doubt at his 
express desire, have published as an executive counsellor of 
New- Jersey, has the consummate vanity and impudence to 
boast of the arts and frauds by which he obtained political pre- 
ferment, and to esteem himself so elevated above the mass of 
mankind, and the ordinary politicians of the day, as to be 
wholly ignorant of such men as Mr. Swartwout and Mr. Van 
Ness. 

There is a species of wickedness so wanton and restless as 
often to frustrate its own purposes. This observation is correct- 
ly exemplified in the character of this remarkable personage. 
His conduct upon the occasion to which I have already allud- 
ed, merits a few moments consideration. That his letter to 



Denniston and Cheetham is a wicked fabrication, conjured 
up for the express purpose of furthering the views of Mr. Burr's 
enemies, cannot be doubted. Knaves often affect accuracy and 
candour, to impose more successfully upon the credulity of 
those they mean to deceive. But when they are detected in 
direct and palpable falsehoods, these serve only to evince more 
clearly the evil motives by which they were influenced. In this 
disgraceful situation do we find William S. Pennington. While 
he is detailing with apparent minuteness, the contents of a let- 
ter or letters, which he says were written by Mr. Swartwout at 
Albany to Mr. Williams at Poughkeepsie, who would believe 
him so abandoned to all wickedness, so destitute of shame, as 
to be the sole fabricator of what he states ? This, however, clear- 
ly and irresistibly appears by the following letter, published in 
the American Citizen: 

TO THE PUBLIC. 
" The false colouring given by the relation of one William S. 
Pennington, in a letter to Denniston and Cheetham, which appear- 
ed in the American Citizen of the 22d inst. and their subsequent 
malicious remarks, oblige me once more to ask pardon for obtrud- 
ing myself on the public attention, x 

" I declare, on my honour, that I did not at any time, advise 
the election of Mr. Burr, as president of the United States, to the 
exclusion of Mr. Jefferson ; nor did I ever write to any person or 
persons to that effect ; and I hereby authorize Mr. Robert Williams 
to publish any letter or letters he may have received from me on the 
subject of the late presidential election. I am induced to contradict 
the base slanders of those exclusive patriots, by a regard to truth 
only, and not from a conviction that it would have been either disho- 
nourable to me, or disadvantageous to the country or the republican 
party, to have promoted the election of Mr. Burr to the presidential 
chair." 

« JOHN SWARTWOUT. 

" New-York, January 23." 

The reader I believe can have no difficulty now in pronounce 
ing this statement of Pennington false throughout. One part 

O 



98 

of it having been shown to be a gross violation of truth, thi 
other can certainly be entitled to no credit. 

It is to be lamented that this ingenious gentleman was not 
more circumstantial, while about it, in giving us the contents of 
his own letters upon the subject of the late presidential election. 
He has glanced at them to be sure, but has very wisely for- 
borne to enter into detail. Sufficient has been given, however, 
to direct us in detecting his own malice and baseness.? 

In the second paragraph of his letter addressed to Denniston 
and Cheetham, and dated 27th December, 1802, he says y " In 
the winter of 1800 and 1801, 1 resided with my family at Pough- 
keepsie. The subject of the presidential election, as it was na- 
tural it should do, engaged much attention, and excited much 
anxiety. For my own part, I did not think that the federalists 
were sincere in their attempt to make Mr. Burr president, but 
that their plans were calculated to prevent Mr. Jefferson 1 s elec- 
tion, that they might have a pretence for creating an executive 
officer of their own party ; and thereby either retain in their own 
hands the executive power, or in case it was denied them, to 
disturb the repose of the union." Immediately after he says^ 
that he wrote to several of the New-Jersey members in con- 
gress, particularly to Mr. Linn, and endeavoured to impress the 
opinion on their minds, that Mr. Bun* should be elected, rather 
than the public tranquillity put at hazard ; and .that the letters, 
which he says were written by Mr* Van Ness to Mr. Williams, 
only tended to encourage him in the measures he was pursuing. 
Here in almost the same breath, this honest and consistent gen- 
tleman tells us, that he did not believe, that the federalists were 
sincere in their attempts to elect Mr. Burr, and in the next, 
that he wrote to members of congress urging the propriety of 
yielding to the federalists in the election of Mr* Burr, rather 
than hazard the tranquillity of the union. Admitting, therefore, 
for a moment, and merely for the sake of argument, that Mr* 
Van Ness had written to Mr. Williams, as stated by Mr. Pen- 
nington, I will ask, where is the difference between Mr. Pen- 



39 

jiington's letters to Mr. Linn and others, and that of Mr. Van 
Ness, on the subject of the presidential election ? 

The only difference is, that one was written under an im- 
pression, that it would be hazardous to persist in the election 
of Mr. Jefferson, and the other, as Mr. Pennington himself 
tells us, under a conviction that the federalists would not 
seriously attempt the election of Mr. Burr, and that conse- 
quendy, to adhere to Mr. Jefferson, could not endanger the 
repose of the country. Does not this indicate some sin- 
ister views, some object which he is now solicitous to con- 
ceal ? Does it not decisively manifest a desire that Mr. Burr 
should be elected at all events ? This inference is irresistible, 
and renders the subsequent conduct of this man most shameful 
and unprincipled. The interrogatories which were most abu- 
sively and inaptly put to another gentleman, may now with 
much greater propriety be submitted to the serious considera- 
tion of Mr. Pennington. Why did he advise the election of 
Mr. Bun- at all, if he did not suppose him qualified to fill the 
presidential chair, and if he was convinced that no danger would 
result from adhering to Mr. Jefferson I 

Notwithstanding all the artifices by which Pennington 
has attempted to elude detection, the truth, unfortunately for 
him, has long been known ; and his conduct, so far from being 
censurable, would have merited approbation, if he had not, from 
interested views, renounced the sentiments he then held, and 
proclaimed his infamy, by manifesting the impurity of his mo- 
tives. The truth is, that he wrote several letters to members 
of Congress, urging the election of Mr. Burr to the presidency, 
and assigning numerous reasons to support the propriety 7 of the 
measure, some of which were not very flattering to the talents and 
political character of Mr. Jefferson. His correspondent be- 
trayed him, by submitting those letters to the perusal either of 
the president himself, or some of his personal friends. Soon 
after the president was chosen by the house of representatives, 
Pennington applied for the office of attorney of the district of 
New-Jersey. In consequence of the letters he had written on 



100 



the subject of the election, or for some other, doubtless, good 
cause, the president, in his wisdom, deemed it expedient to 
bestow that office upon a rival candidate. Pennington at first 
discovered some resentment and spirit upon the occasion. He 
reproached his correspondent with basely betraying his confi- 
dence, and offered to enter into a public discussion, to justify the 
rectitude of the principles upon which he had acted. His 
warmth, however, soon abated. He yielded to his invincible 
desire for political elevation and pecuniary emolument, and 
sought every means, however dishonourable or base, to appease 
the wrath of the ruling powers. No expedient, however hu- 
miliating, was left untried to effect this purpose. As opinions 
and principles were with him, " trifles light as air," he boldly 
threw consequences behind him ; and as the most effectual 
mode of success, left New-Jersey, to seek an interview with 
James Cheetham, who, to the honour of the government, 
boasted of being its Organ in New- York. He made Cheetham 
his father confessor, and freely acknowledged that he felt some 
" compunctious visitings of conscience," and was desirous of 
atoning for the crimes he had committed ; that if he now could 
be of service in calumniating the vice-president, or assist in the 
attack which had been commenced on Mr. Burr and his friends, 
he was ready to yield his assistance. He accordingly received 
the forgiveness of the Pope, and the thanks of his emanuensis 
Mr. Cheetham, who informed him, he would soon be applied 
to, for information on the subject to which he had alluded. This 
forlorn and weeping penitent returned from his pilgrimage to 
his solitary home, which had not yet been blessed with the en>- 
livening influence of governmental patronage. Cheetham wrote 
for the information which had been promised, and his new pu- 
pil, with humble and contrite zeal, furnished the letter which is 
now under review. As a specimen of the truth it contains, the 
reader will have the goodness to compare the first sentence 
with the above recital. The sentence to which I allude is in 
these words : u It is a thing that has ever been very foreign 
from my expectations, that any thing which passed between 
Mr. Robert Williams and myself, on the subject to which you 



101 



allude, would ever become a matter of public investigation.*? 
The reader may now form an accurate estimate of the veracity 
and character of this shameless associate of James Cheetham. 

There is another gentleman whom it will perhaps be proper 
to notice here, as in some measure connected with this part of 
the subject. His conduct has been such as has evinced the 
most consummate hypocrisy, or at least a puerile and contempti- 
ble mutability of opinion. From his late conduct it is not per- 
haps generally known, that Mr. Gilbert Livingston wrote letters 
to persons at Washington of the same tenour, with those of Mr. 
Pennington. Indeed his unreserved censure of the sentiments 
contained in these letters, was calculated to suppress any suspicion 
that he had ever attempted to propagate them. I approach this 
gentleman with reluctance, as it is the custom of his friends to 
save him from animadversion, by interposing the sanctity of 
his character. Piety is entitled to reverence, wherever it is 
found, and even hypocrisy if well assumed, or prejudices, 
though unfortunately associated with stupidity, are entitled to 
some respect. But outward purity alone should never be allow- 
ed to save from exposure, a multitude of sins. A mantle per- 
vious to the feeblest vision, should not be permitted to arrest 
the search after truth. The ridiculous and inconsistent conduct 
of this man serves to show that his mind is too feeble to form, 
and too fluctuating to adhere to, any decisive opinion upon the 
most ordinary subject. Although from outward appearances 
he has derived a character superior to Pennington's, he has by 
an attachment to his temporal interest, and the artifices of de- 
signing men, been betrayed into the same conduct. At one 
moment he has been the eulogist, and at another the severe ca- 
lumniator of Mr. Burr. At New- York he has professed en- 
tire satisfaction with his conduct, and avowed a conviction of 
his innocence. At Poughkeepsie he has pronounced him guil- 
ty of the charges exhibited against him, and of deep designs to 
subvert the liberty of his country. This cpnduct has already 
rendered him a miserable object of ridicule, and will soon con- 
sign him to oblivion and contempt. Some attribute this puerile 
instability to the weakness of his mind, which, light as a gos- 



102 



5amer, flutters in every breeze, and yields without resistance 
to its impulse — ■ 

u Which makes them take him for a tool 
That knaves do work with, calVd a Fool — " 

Others charge it to a busy and restless propensity to be en* 
gaged in petty broils. It is a just remark, that " old fools are 
babes again," and his neighbours would do well to furnish this 
person, with a rattle or a straw, to divert his attention from pri-, 
vate mischief and political seduction. 

It is somewhat singular that this Mr. Livingston and his 
friend Pennington, after having been the first to avow and pro- 
pagate the same sentiments as those ascribed to Mr. Van 
Ness and Mr. Swartwout, should also have been the first to 
condemn them. They must either have deemed those senti- 
ments correct, or not. If they pursued the dictates of their 
own understandings, their conduct was unexceptionable, and 
censure attaches to them only for not daring openly to justify it, 
If not, they have acted like knaves and hypocrites, for having 
attempted to lead others into error, and afterwards reprobating 
the very measures they recommended, and the arguments 
they urged to influence their decisions. This is hypocrisy in 
its most pure and odious state. 

These very men who have been so solicitous to trace up to 
Mr. Burr, the letters which they most officiously choose to as- 
cribe to Mr. Van Ness and Mr. Swartwout, will certainly not 
admit that they were operated upon by the same influence. 
Why then is it to be presumed that others were I The anr 
swer again recurs, because the political character of Mr. Burr 
was to be prostrated, and because all those who would probably 
resist such an iniquitous attempt, were to be involved in his 
fate. Besides, there is evidence apparent on the face of the 
transaction, that these letters were unauthorized by Mr. Burr. 



J3ut independent of the inferences arising from these facts, 



103 



I have investigated this subject as far as the circumstances uti* 
der which I write will allow, and unequivocally state, and if ne- 
cessary will prove, that Mr. Burr had no knowledge of such 
letters as have been spoken of by Mr. Pennington. 

If Mr. Burr in this advanced stage of the election, (for it 
has been shown that he did not before) had attempted to com- 
pass the presidency, it is impossible that he should have resort- 
ed to such inefficient measures. 

His enemies allow that he has ever been judicious in the 
choice of means to accomplish his purposes. If he had been 
disposed to become a competitor for the presidency, would he 
not at least, instead of going to Albany, have appeared upon 
the field of action in person, and have supported his pretensions 
by his presence ? No man of reflection who was attentive to 
the events of that period, can possibly doubt, that if he had pur- 
sued this conduct, he would now have filled the presidential 
chair. This opinion it may be . said, is injurious to the cha- 
racters of some of the then representatives of the people ; be 
it so, their own conduct has justified the censure. It is 1 un- 
doubtedly true, that several members of the house of repre- 
sentatives were disposed to abandon Mr. Jefferson and vote for 
Mr. Burr, or that they were at least suspected of such inten- 
tion by the friends of the latter gentleman. It is also true, 
that those members continued to vote for Mr. Jefferson, and 
that they subsequently received lucrative and honourable ap- 
pointments. Nay more, I believe there would be no difficulty 
in proving that a member of that congress, declared, after the 
contest was terminated, that he would have abandoned Mr. 
Jefferson, if the federalists had offered him sufficient induce- 
ments. With this strong, direct, and irresistible coincidence 
of circumstances before them, who can doubt that the presi- 
dency was up for sale, to be struck off to the highest bidder ? 
that if Mr. Burr had been on the spot, and could have descend- 
ed so far as to promise political preferment, or official emolu- 
ments and honours, he would now have administered the go- 
vernment of the United States t These remarks may be deem- 



104 



ed derogatory to the dignity of an American Congress. No one 
respects that body more than I do. But when corruption or 
even its instruments, are permitted to enter its sacred walls, in- 
famy should await them — and with the facts which I have be- 
fore me, part of which only have been enumerated, I do not 
fear to investigate the subject in any way my enemies may 
choose. 

I therefore invite the accusers of Mr. Burr to show, that 
any approaches were made to individual members of congress, 
that any political preferment, any offices of honour or emolu- 
ment, were promised, either directly or indirectly by Mr. Burr 
or any person authorized by him. With such subjects to ope- 
rate upon, if Mr. Burr could possibly have attempted to obtain 
the presidency without resorting to these means, on failure of 
others, he must have been worse than an idiot ; and unless it 
can be shown that he did, he stands acquitted of the charges 
exhibited against him* 

It will now be proper to recapitulate what has been said up- 
on the subject of Mr« Burr's political conduct, and present to 
the reader in a condensed form, the charges which have been 
exhibited against him, and the evidence by which they have 
been repelled. 

In the first place, it is apparent from what has been said in 
the former part of this work, that all the assertions and insinu- 
ations which have been made by the enemies of Mr. Burr re- 
lative to his political conduct previous to the year 1800, are 
false and malicious ; that they are designed for no other pur- 
pose than to prejudice the public mind ; and thus dispose it to 
acquiesce in the principal charges against him. 

2dly. It has been shown most conclusively, that Mr. Burr 
never attempted to divert a single electoral suffrage from Mr* 
Jefferson. I beg leave to impress upon the mind of the read- 
er, that this has never even been brought forward against Mr. 
Burr in the shape of a distinct charge ; certainly because no 



10$ 

possible evidence could be adduced to support it. And also, 
that this of all others, was the mode Mr. Burr ought and un- 
doubtedly would have pursued, if he had really formed a de- 
sign to supplant Mr. Jefferson in the government. 

3dly. It was stated in The View, &c. that previous to the 
presidential election, " Mr. Burr dispatched political agents to 
the different states ; viz. Mr. Bishop of New-Haven, to Penn- 
sylvania, and Mr. Timothy Green of New- York, to South-Ca- 
rolina. This has been shown to be totally untrue ; 1st, by two 
letters of Mr. Bishop, published in the American Citizen on 
the 3d and *9th of August 1802 ; and 2dly, by one of Mr. 
Green given in the 75th page of this pamphlet. 

4thly. It was insinuated that Mr. Burr had tampered with 
Mr. Lispenard, one of the electors of this state. This is de- 
cisively repelled in the 73d and 74th pages of this work. 

5thly. That Dr. Smith of New-Jersey was, under certain 
circumstances, to have voted for Mr. Burr. This is clearly 
disproved by Dr. Smith's letter contained in page 71. 

6thly. That to induce the southern states to give Mr. Burr 
an equal number of votes with Mr. Jefferson, it was reported 
that the latter gentleman would have two votes in Rhode- 
Island, and Mr. Burr none. This is explained and repelled in 
page 74. 

The public will doubtless feel some curiosity to see in what 
manner the accuser who originally advanced the above charges, 
has attempted, in his Reply, to meet my refutation. All that I 
can find in his pamphlet, which can be supposed intended for 
this purpose, is contained in the following passage. 

" The intelligent citizen who has read the publications against 
Mr. Burr, and compared them with the defence set up by Aristides, 
will deem a reply unnecessary. In regard to Mr. Burr's negocia- 
tion with Mr. Ogden, the cardinal accusation, Aristides has said 

P 



106 



nothing either sufficiently novel or interesting to require particular 
notice. His defence consists of Irvin and Ogden's correspondence, 
the letters of Timothy Green, Samuel S. Smith, of New- Jersey, 
John Swartwout, and allusions to Abraham Bishops correspondence 
with me. As these have been fully answered in former publications, 
to notice them here would be superfluous. It is sufficient to refer 
the reader to the " Nine Letters" and to a subsequent publication enti- 
tled " A letter on the conduct of the adherents to Colonel Burr.'' 

Knowing that very few persons have had patience and forti- 
tude enough to carry them through his Nine Letters, and that no 
one of those who have succeeded in it, will ever recur to them 
again for any purpose, it will be allowed that this is not a bad 
contrivance. The reader perceives at once that it is of a na- 
ture to defy an answer, even if I were ever so much disposed 
and able to make one. I must therefore leave him in full pos- 
session of all the advantages to which he may be entitled. 

Upon an impartial investigation of this subject, then, I be- 
lieve no candid mind can resist the conviction that Mr. Burr's 
conduct previous to the meeting of the electors was honourable 
and fair. This is too evident to be urged farther. That he 
continued to act with good faith throughout, and never deviat- 
ed from the sentiments expressed in his letter to General Smith, 
previous to the commencement of the contest in the house of 
representatives, appears conclusively from the statement contain- 
ed in the preceding pages, confirmed and corroborated by the 
correspondence of Messrs. Ogden and Irving, contained in page 
84, and the letters of Mr. E. Livingston and Mr. Swartwout. 

I HER.E close the discussion of this part of the subject, per- 
suaded that Mr. Burr's conduct through the whole of the last 
presidential election has been unexceptionable, and that the pub- 
lic will properly appreciate the views of his enemies : that they 
will clearly discern the interested motives that impelled them 
to the attack on the vice-president, and in the end do justice to 
bis reputation. 

I was by no means sorry to see the first symptoms of indig* 



107 



nation that were manifested by the people against the vice-pre- 
sident. It evinced a laudable jealousy of the privileges they 
enjoyed under their happy constitution, and a proud determina- 
tion to protect it against the invasions of ambition. It is true 
that this jealous spirit when uncontroled, is often irritated for 
improper purposes, by factious and designing men, and when 
unattended by a love of investigation, degenerates into tyranny. 
But when by proper patience and mild demeanour, a spirit of in- 
quiry can be excited, this danger ceases. No evil is to be ap- 
prehended when the people will take the trouble to examine for 
themselves, and not rely upon the assertions of those whose in- 
terest and design it is to deceive them. When they are deter- 
mined to proceed with moderation and temper, to examine into 
the truth of any reported designs against their safety, justice will 
certainly be done ; and that a correct judgment may be formed, 
it will be extremely useful to examine from what quarter and 
in what shape the subject is brought before them. 

When the character of an eminent individual is assailed, and 
the accusations against him are involved in mystery, and con- 
founded with a multitude of known falsehoods, it is a convinc- 
ing proof that they have originated in designs deeper than those 
that are avowed : when they are attended with bitter and ran- 
corous invectives, it discovers an impurity of motive, that re- 
quires the most rigid explanation. When, too, they originate 
with men destitute of stability and standing in society, who 
have neither respectability of name, nor weight of fortune to 
support them, but who have always been found among the fac- 
tious and unworthy part of the community, a hasty decision 
should be avoided. This is emphatically applicable to the at- 
tack which has lately been made on the vice-president. Instead 
of a fair and temperate investigation of a subject which was 
susceptible of a speedy and easy elucidation, the most indis- 
criminate abuse has been lavished on him, and his friends, 
through every medium calculated to convey it. Newspapers, 
pamphlets, nay, volumes have been devoted to the destruction 
of Mr. Burr's reputation, and that of those who were dispos- 
ed to defend him against such base treatment. 



108 



The laws of decorum have been shamefully violated. Those 
who were honest enough to resist this wicked combination, were 
ridiculed and insulted. All this was submitted to with a be- 
coming moderation and temper. No measures were pursued 
that could irritate the public mind, which, already heated by 
the collision of various interests, and prejudiced by volumes of 
falsehoods, could neither be directed nor controled. When the 
sensibility of the people is highly excited, the doctrines of a 
political sect may sometimes obtain an ascendency, however ri- 
diculous they may be in theory, or dangerous in practice. But 
it can only continue, until the casual circumstances which have 
produced it, are removed by the operations of returning reason. 
At this moment, therefore, when the mists of error are dis- 
persing, and a spirit of sober inquiry beginning to prevail, I 
have presumed to solicit a few moments attention. As far as 
the controversy with Mr. Burr is personal, it gives me no con- 
cern ; but when indignities are offered to the understandings of 
the people, and impositions practised upon them, involving mo- 
mentous consequences to our common country, patriotism de- 
mands an effort to resent and detect them. 

The agents that were employed on this occasion, were well 
calculated to accomplish the objects their superiors had in view. 
Two desperate and notorious offenders against the laws and 
governmerit of their native country, engaged with alacrity in 
inferior mischief. These hireling trumpeters of faction who 
Write and calumniate for bread, goaded on by their dastardly 
employers, have insulted and convulsed the nation, by a series 
of the most unbridled licentiousness ever countenanced in a 
country that boasts of a well organized government. 

This state has been the principal theatre of action, where 
factious spirits have indulged in mischief with impunity. The 
agitations that have occasionally appeared in Pennsylvania and 
elsewhere, are only branches of the same corrupted stock. This 
unhappy state, by the unguarded admission of foreign fugitives, 
has become the fountain of evil, from which flow a thousand 
streams, that pervade and poison the whole country. 



109 



In Pennsylvania, Duane has attempted to render the govern- 
ment subserv ient to his disorganizing schemes, and is now de- 
nouncing its officers, for justly resisting his pernicious projects. 
We there find men who have grown grey in honourable service, 
who have either obtained laurels in the field, or honour in the 
cabinet, and should find their reward in the gratitude and at^ 
tachment of their country, assailed by this foreign renegado, 
who has here found refuge from the resentment of every coun- 
try, in which he has ever dared to seek an asylum. 

This wretch, who it is said is insensible to disgrace, tho' 
not " unwhipt of justice," boasts of controling the politics of the 
state in which he lives, and of having the power to elevate or 
depress, every political character at pleasure. 

These ebullitions of his vanity and insolence, are collected 
from letters now before me, and coincide with verbal commu- 
nications to which I am ready to refer. 

Although Duane, in the attack which has been made on the 
character of Mr. Burr, has only appeared as the satellite of 
Cheetham, and the humble copyist of his slanders, he has oc- 
casionally transgressed the limits which his prudence or his cun- 
ning had prescribed. Conscious that the calumnies against the 
vice-president could not be supported, he at first abstained 
from any direct interference, but perceiving that they were 
treated with silence and contempt, he assumed more confidence, 
and ventured to give them some collateral support. An insidi- 
ous editorial article appeared in the Aurora of the 13th of June 
1 802, which states that the editor a few days before, had been 
invited to breakfast at Mr. Matthew L. Davis's in New- York ; 
that he there found Mr. Swartwout and Mr. Van Ness ; that 
in conversation on the subject of the publications, which had 
appeared against Mr. Burr, he (Duane) w recommended ex- 
planations, and wished for such explanations, as might prevent 
divisions and further jealousies, but it was evidently too late, 
for Mr. Davis attacked the president in very unworthy lan- 
guage, for which he was reprimanded."* 

* See Aurora, June 13, 1802. 



110 



The friends of Mr. Burr have certainly been criminally in- 
different to the slanders of this common libeller. I examined 
into the truth of this statement at the time the article in question 
appeared, and most unequivocally assert that no such language 
was used upon that occasion, and that every thing stated in the 
paragraph just quoted, is false. 

If Duane shall think it expedient, to contradict what is here 
said, I shall convict him before the public, of having deliberate- 
ly fabricated and published a direct and palpable falsehood. 

Innumerable lies like these, have been circulated through 
the country, and many by constant repetition have at length 
passed for truths. By an unvaried perseverance in such diabolical 
measures, the enemies of the vice-president, have doubtless 
succeeded in some places, in producing impressions unfavour- 
able to his political reputation. It is impossible that the fairest 
fame could resist such systematized abuse. For as in the na- 
tural world the hardest bodies wear away by constant collision, 
so in the moral, the purest character may be ruined by bold 
and unceasing calumnies. Conscious that while his influence 
continued, it would be exerted to oppose their disorganizing 
projects, the first and favourite objects of the opponents of Mr. 
Burr, was, to deprive him of the confidence of the administra- 
tion. The most absurd deceptions were attempted to be prac- 
tised upon Mr. Jefferson, and the friends of Mn Burr represent- 
ed as inimical to all the officers of government. The common 
rights of citizens were almost denied them. The privilege of 
discussing the measures of government, when exercised, was 
deemed indicative of designs to prostrate those in power. By 
these means has the influence of the government, at least par- 
tially, been brought in, to support the measures of a faction. 

Surely Mr. Jefferson cannot be so far deceived, or so illibe- 
ral, as to believe that every man who differs from him in opi- 
nion upon mere speculative subjects, or such questions as daily 
arise in the progress of public business, are either his personal 
foes, or enemies to the government which he administers. If 



4 



Ill 



he does, he should at least have the firmness to avow it. If 
not, he should drive from his confidence that band of knaves 
and sycophants, who are infusing those poisonous ideas into 
his bosom. Men of virtue cannot associate with them ; and 
while thev continue to revolve close around the centre of public 
power, every honest citizen will withdraw, and view with de- 
termined, though sorrowful indifference, the evils they produce. 
It is time for him to arouse from his inactivity, and shake off 
those pests who hang about him, and who in the end will de- 
prive him of the esteem of his fellow-citizens. The people in 
general, and more especially those, who have been held up to 
the world in false and odious colours, have a right to demand 
a firm and decisive conduct on this subject, from the chief ma- 
gistrate of their country. 

Before, however, he determines ultimately to act, and on 
whom to rely for support, he should view with composure, the 
parties that are arrayed against each other. On the one side 
he will find revolutionary merit ; men too proud to bend the 
knee to power, too honest to associate with rogues, and too 
brave to be driven from the independent exercise of their opi- 
nions, by any faction in the country. On the other, a set of dis- 
organizing cowards, who seek to profit by the confusion they 
create, who if possible, will lead him into error, and betray t 
when they can no longer assist him. Above all, let him re- 
member who placed him where he is, and he will find they are 
not those who are denouncing Mr. Burr. 

These remarks are intended for the serious consideration of 
Mr. Jefferson. To me the result of his reflections upon this 
subject is immaterial ; but to him it may be important. He is 
certainly interested, and deeply too, in the divisions that pre- 
vail. Upon mature investigation, he will find that the publi- 
cations against Mr. Burr, have in truth, no connexion with a de- 
fence of his administration ; but that the question is, whether 
a few factious individuals shall monopolize the honours and 
emoluments of the government, or whether Mr. Burr shall re- 
tain that station and influence to which his talents and political 



if 3 

knowledge justly entitle him ? He will find that in this state, 
the opponents of Mr. Burr dare not meet him on the true 
ground of dispute, but that they resort to the government to 
fight the battles which they are unable to sustain ; that there is 
a wide distinction between the men who have wrested the go- 
vernment from federal hands, and the miserable minions of De 
Witt Clinton. He should resort for information to other sour- 
ces, than a news-paper which is supported by private funds for 
the exclusive purposes of slander. He would then be informed 
that James Cheetham, who has hitherto received support from 
the general government, is the tool of individuals, who know 
no motives of action, but such as are founded in indiscriminate 
opposition to Mr. Burr. All respectable men, who have been 
deluded by the sophistry and professions of this wretch, are with- 
drawing their countenance, and again embarking in the support 
of those genuine principles of freedom that first saved us from 
slavery 7 , and then from the pernicious tendencies of federal 
policy. 

********** 

* * * * * * * * * * 

* * * * * * * * * * 

* * - * * * * * * * * 

* * * * * * * * * * 
********** 

There are still a few men left, who have acted the most un- 
worthy part in relation to this controversy, and who merit the 
severest chastisement. But to enumerate them all, and exa- 
mine their individual characters, would be " making war with 
bedlam." In due time, however, they shall feel the rod, as it 
is impossible long, to view in silence, the misfortunes that af- 
flict our distracted and unhappy state. 



Governed, as it has been for the last three years, by an old 
man, who, through the inevitable imbecility of age, has lost 
not only the sagacity necessary to detect the frauds that are 
practised upon him, but the vigour to punish the base instru- 
ments who have led him into error, it is neither to be denied 



113 

nor concealed, that the state of New- York has experienced all the 
evils of a wicked,as well as an incapable administration. Oppress- 
ed by the withering hand of time, and sinking under infirmities 
of every kind, this gentleman is rejoiced to escape from the du- 
ties of his office, and to transfer the burthen of government to 
other hands. It is his misfortune to have selected men desti- 
tute of virtue and of talents ; to have been surrounded by crea- 
tures who are notorious for their political crimes ; who are rea- 
dy to desert him in distress ; and who, when " shorn of his 
honours," would be the first to calumniate and betray him ; 
who with all the levity of intoxicated folly, now boast of direct- 
ing the government of the state, and of acting alternately as 
Secret Governor to his Excellency. 

That men of probity and character have been excluded from 
his councils and his confidence, the disorders that have disgrac- 
ed his administration, will testify. That knaves and sycophants 
have held the reins of government, and driven us to the brink 
of ruin, must be evident to every man conversant with our po- 
litical concerns. But the people are becoming sensible of the 
evils that oppress them, and the period is approaching, when 
the united efforts of " all honest men," will prostrate this pha- 
lanx of iniquity, and restore the honour and dignity of the 
state. 



This pamphlet, as it originally appeared, ended here ; but the 
state of things which has since arisen, and which now exists, in- 
duce me to add a few, though but a few words more. 

TO ALL REAL REPUBLICANS. 

Governor Clinton having declined to stand a candidate for 
the chief magistracy of this state, in the prospect of succeed- 
ing to the vice-presidency of the United States, two persons 
are now offered to your choice : one Mr. Morgan Lewis, of 
the family of Livingston, the other the much calumniated, in- 
jured, and ill-treated subject of the preceding pages. It is for 
you to decide between them. 

Q 



114 



It is not my intention to swell this pamphlet, already too 
large, by entering at much length into the subject of this elec- 
tion, interesting as it is. I shall neither criticise Mr. Lewis's 
title to your suffrages, nor attempt to display the superior 
merits of the vice-president. If Mr. Lewis has any claims to 
your preference, they are yet to be made known — that he was 
once a violent federalist, and apostatized from the cause, not 
from principle, but from the meanest mercenary calculations ; 
that he is a despicable changeling, without enough of virtue to 
keep him steady in any one path for any length of time ; that 
if he wanted an office, and could obtain it by going back again 
to the federalists to-morrow, and making the most servile sub- 
missions, he would do so without scruple ; in short, that he is 
as deficient in talents or solid acquirements, as he is destitute of 
even the decent appearance of principle, is altogether unneces- 
sary to observe to any one who has ever heard of the name of 
Morgan Lewis. 

As to Mr. Burr, you are not now to learn what is his charac- 
ter, nor what are his merits : my purpose is merely to repel 
one calumny more, which his enemies have resorted to as their 
last hope. They have had the audacity to assert, that Mr. Jef- 
ferson, the idol of the republican party, has entirely deserted Mr. 
Burr, and denounced him as a statesman. This falsehood I 
shall dispose of in the most satisfactory manner. 

On the authority of three members of Congress from this 
state, Oliver Phelps, Esq* General David Thomas, "and Colonel 
Erastus Root, well known to all of you, I assert, that Mr. Jef- 
ferson, within three weeks past, declared to Mr. Phelps, that 
he should consider himself as no way interested in the approach- 
ing election for Governor in this state ; that he deemed both 
candidates republicans, and supported by friends to the admi- 
nistration ; and added, that he should not view him (Mr. 
Phelps) as being less attached to the national administration, or 
to himself, if he should determine to take part with Mr. Burr 
in preference to Mr. Lewis. The same frank declaration was 
made by Mr. Jefferson to Gen. Thomas and Col. Root, in a sub- 
sequent conversation with them. 



115 



If any thing further could be necessary, this I contend 
amounts to conclusive evidence that Mr. Jefferson himself does 
not believe one word of the charge made against Mr. Burr, as to 
his having intrigued for the presidency. If he did, he would 
never have permitted any thing to escape him that would in 
any way have been favourable to Mr. Burr's future elevation. 
Now then, let these foul-mouthed detractors look abroad for 
fresh sources of calumny ; let them resort to some new artifices 
to ruin the reputation of the man, whom they hate with the ma- 
lignity of fiends, because they envy and dread his superiority 
over them. 

TO THE CANDID FEDERALISTS. 
I shall not attempt to persuade you that Mr. Burr is a 
federalist, nor shall I give myself the trouble of making his eu- 
logy. To come at once to the point : without setting up Mr. 
Burr as a perfect character, allow me to observe, that the ques- 
tion which now presents itself for your consideration, is, where 
can you find a man at this juncture, with purer views, more ca- 
pable of opposing the detestable faction which rules this state | 
Individuals have sometimes been found who were willing to sa- 
crifice themselves to a cause, but nature never formed men for 
voluntary martyrdom ; nor can it be expected that any party, 
not absolutely insignificant and contemptible, will continue to 
submit in silence to an intolerance and oppression whose di- 
rect object is to crush and destroy them. Without some 
speedy and effectual change of men and measures, therefore, 
I hesitate not to say, a train of evils the most frightful and 
alarming, must soon take place. How this state has been 
governed for three years past, it is unnecessary here to de- 
scribe ; how it would be governed the next term, a tolerable 
conjecture may be formed, if we reflect that to the influence 
of a De Witt Clinton, and a Spencer, is to be added that of 
Mr. Maturin Livingston, the hopeful son-in-law of Mr. Lew- 
is. It is beneath me to permit my indignation to rise against 
this well known Black-Legs, whose whole talents since he came 
to years of discretion have been employed in reducing gam- 
bling of every species to a science, and whose whole consequence 



116 



has arisen from the property thus acquired, at the expense 
of his most intimate friends of both sexes ; but the important 
situation to which he is to succeed in the event of Mr. Lewis's 
success, renders it necessary he should not be permitted entirely 
to escape me through an ill-timed contempt. This is the empty- 
headed, upstart coxcomb, who vaunts that " to be born of the 
name of Livingston was a fortune," — who, with unparalleled inso- 
lence and equal folly, ill-breeding and malignity, lately asserted 
in the presence of two respectable witnesses at Albany, that " the 
federalists were a damned contemptible faction, and Judge Lewis 
did not want one of their votes." Such language in the mouth 
of such a man may serve to give some slight idea of what the 
federalists have to expect from the government when it gets 
into the hands of Mr. Lewis, over whom, though apparently 
his toad-eater, he is said to have a complete control. 

It is not that I ask your support of the vice-president, but I 
ask your opposition to a set of people who are determined to sa- 
crifice every man, and every thing that foi a moment stands in 
the way of their ambition or their avarice. 

I said I was not about to make the eulogy of Mr. Burr — 
I am not ,* a single observation only shall be indulged : — Even 
his worst enemies allow that he possesses in an eminent degree^ 
intelligence, liberality, and discernment. I leave the rest to 
your own reflections. — I trust the period is not remote, when the 
enemies of virtue, talents, and patriotism, will tremble and stand 
aghast at the hand-writing upon the wall — " the union of all 

HONEST MEN." 



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